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VOL. I. 









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The following pages do not require any formal 
Preface or Introduction. They present a sketch of 
Irish affairs at a most important period ; they seek 
to preserve the record of a great transaction — the 
Irish Revolution of 1782 — and to raise in public 
estimation the character and the services of vir- 
tuous and independent men. Mr. Malone, Mr. 
Pery, Mr. Flood, Doctor Lucas, Mr. Burgh, Mr. 
Daly, and Lord Charlemont deserve to live in the 
page of history ; and the chief object of the author 
is to rescue their names from oblivion, and to 
show their attachment to their country and to 

Of the letters introduced in the work, those 
that are of a public nature may instruct; those 
of a private nature may entertain ; the official 
ones may throw some light on the affairs of 
Ireland; and the whole will afford a useful lesson 
to politicians. 

As the life of a soldier is in the camp, so that 
of a statesman is in the senate ; consequently, 
most of Mr. Grattan's was passed in public, and 


little leisure was afforded for indulgence in private 
pursuits, and domestic recreation. Accordingly, 
the various subjects have been intermixed, in 
order to relieve the reader from the weariness of 
politics. Many of the letters will be found to 
abound in useful precepts, and most of them 
inculcate good morals, sound political principles, 
and steady patriotism. 

Mr. Grattan appears, throughout, ardent and 
indefatigable ; unterrified and enthusiastic in the 
cause of Ireland. Unawed by the frowns of 
power, unseduced by the blandishments of a 
Court, undismayed by the raging of the people, 
he asserted the principles of liberty, he esta- 
blished them, and he gave to his country a free 

The author has to thank those individuals who 
have so kindly supplied him with documents, 
which he trusts have been used in a manner 
conducive to the public good ; and he takes the 
liberty of suggesting to his friends the expediency 
of furnishing him with the dates of any other 
papers that he may in future be honoured with. 





Preliminary Remarks. — Irish History. — Doctor Leland. — Lord Straf- 
ford's Rebellion of 1641. — Sir J. Davies's History. — Conduct of the 
Stuart Family to Ireland. — Hume's Remarks on Ireland. — Ancient 
History of Ireland. — Acts in the Irish Parliament of James II. — 
Policy to be pursued by Ireland. — Government of George III. in 
Ireland. — His Character. — The Acquisitions of Ireland frustrated by 
Government. — Torture inflicted on the People. — Spread of the rebel- 
lion. — Conspiracy of Ministers against Liberty. — Popular measures 
— rejected, — granted, — and eluded. — System execrable. — Pitt. — 
Duke of Portland. — Lord Clare's extenuation. — Hope in a Limited 
Monarchy ...... Page 1 


Mr. Grattan. — Birth and Family. — Connexion with Dean Swift. — 
Letter to Lord-Lieutenant: and remarks on the Grattans. — Female 
Branch of the Marlays. — Sir John Marlay. — Fidelity to Charles I. — 
His grandson Chief Justice of Ireland. — Acquaintance with Lord 
Chesterfield. — Letter from Sons of the Chief Justice. — Bishop of 
Waterford and Colonel Marlay — their attachment to Ireland. — In- 



timacy of the latter with Mr. Grattan. — Mr. Grattan's education in 
Dublin. — Enters College. — His Contemporaries. — Letters to his 
friend Broome, — August 1765, June 1766. — Death of his Father. — 
1767 goes to the Middle Temple. — Letters to Broome, November, 
1767. — Death of his Sister. — Letter to Broome, January, 1768. — 
Goes to Windsor Forest, February, 1768. — His love for the country. 
— Anecdote relating thereto. — Remarks on Mr. Hutchinson. — Letter 
to Robert Day, March, 1768.— To Broome, March, 1768.— To Day, 
May, 1768. — Acquaintance with Fitzgibbon. — Letter to Broome, 
May, 1768. — Debates in the English Parliament. — Remarks on 
Burke — on Grenville-— on Macaulay Boyd. — Letter to Broome, 
August, 1768. — Remarks on English Historians, Clarendon, Burnet, 
and Bolingbroke ..... Page 29 


Mr. Grattan's first school. — A pedagogue. — School anecdote. — His 
school-fellows. — Malones, Hussey Burgh, and Mr. Canning. — At- 
tacked by illness. — Peep-o'-day boys. — Mr. Marlay to Mr. Grattan. 
—Mr. Grattan enters college. — His intimates there. — Foster, Macau- 
lay Boyd, Robert Day, Dr. Doyle, John Fitzgibbon. — Mr. Broome. 
— Gloomy tendency of Mr. Grattan's mind. — His political opinions 
• — opposed to those of his father. — Mr. Grattan's patrimony. — Unkind 
treatment by his father. — Letters. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — 
His state of mind described. — His love of the country and solitude. — 
His studies. — Changes of feeling. — His strong friendship for Broome. 
-—His opinions of Lord Bolingbroke, Virgil, and Pope . Page 42 


Retrospect of Irish History. — Cromwell's Invasion, and the Restoration. 
— No Parliament. — Certain Hereditary Revenues absolutely in the 
King. — Parliamentwith the People in the reign of George III. — Lord 
Sydney's Protest. — Duke of Dorset.— Arbitrary seizure of Revenue 
1753. — Private Council originate Money-Bills. — Lord Sydney, 1692. 
— Lord Townshend. — Violent proceedings. — Parliament dissolved. — 
Anthony Malone, honest Chancellor of Exchequer. — His conduct and 
character. — Papist Relief Bill in 1769.— First concession to the 
Catholics.— Lost in England.— Foresight of Malone.— Lord Halifax's 



Government. — Poyning's Law. — Primate Stone. — Malone removed 
from office — unjust accusation against him. — His personal appear- 
ance. — Lord Pery. — Summary of Malone's character. — Irish politics 
in 1753. — First symptom of public feeling. — Rejection of the Money- 
Bill. — Ineffectual struggle. — Irish Judges made independent. — Abuse 
of Pensions. — Irish remonstrance. — Letters of Mr. Pitt and the Duke 
of Bedford ...... Page 54 


Dread of a Union. — Rising in Dublin. — Mob-excesses. — Lord Hills- 
borough. — Expected Invasion of Ireland. — Rigby to Mr. Pitt. — Rigby 
and Walpole's description of the Excesses of the Mob. — Popular 
Song. — Militia Bill thrown out. — Embargo — Septennial Bill. — Reign 
of George III. — Dr. Lucas — his services to Ireland. — The Freeman's 
Journal. — His Literary Labors. — His Writings ordered to be burnt 
by the Hangman. — Ordered to be arrested, but escaped to England — 
Practises as a Physician. — Returns to Ireland. — Sketch of his Charac- 
ter. — His efforts in the House of Commons. — Character of his 
Writings. — His Death and Public Funeral . . Page 73 


Lord Halifax. — "Single-speech Hamilton." — Poyning's Law. — Lord 
Townshend appointed Lord Lieutenant. — His measures against the 
Irish Aristocracy. — Weakness of the people. — Corrupt influence. — 
Arbitrary measures of Government. — Lord Townsend's Protest. — 
Parliament re-assembled. — Its servile conduct. — Consequent resig- 
nation of the Speaker Ponsonby. — Its result. — Mr. Pery chosen 
Speaker. — His character, — hnd influence. — His great services to 
Ireland. — His tact in debate. — His Corn Laws. — His modus for 
Tithe. — His measure for arming Ireland. — His claims as a Speaker. — 
His strict political integrity. — His conduct in the House of Lords. 

Page 93 


Mr. Grattan at the Temple. — His character of Lord Chatham. — Letter 
to Mr. Broome. — Death of Mr. Grattan's sister. — Mr. Grattan at 



Windsor Forest — His eccentric habits. — Judge Day's account of him 
at this period. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — The same to the 
same. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Robert Day. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. 
Broome. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Robert Day. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. 
Broome. — The same to the same. — Death of Mr. Grattan's mother. — 
Colonel Marlay to Mr. Grattan.— Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome.— 
Mr. Grattan's grief at the loss of his mother . Page 113 


Mr. Bushe. — Mr. Flood. — Sir Hercules Langrishe.' — Private Theatricals. 
—The American War.— Mr. Bushe to Mr. Grattan.— Mr. Marlay to 
Mr. Grattan.—" Single Speech " Hamilton— Mr. Grattan to Mr. 
Broome. — Wilkes.— Fatal Duel. — Mr. Flood tried.— Mr. Bushe to 
Mr. Grattan. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — The same to the same. 
— Private Theatricals in Ireland. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — 
Mr. Grattan to Mr. Day. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — Mr. Grattan 
to the same.— Mr. Day to Mr. Grattan.— Mr. Grattan to Mr. Day. 

Page 134 


Historical retrospect. — System of corruption in Ireland. — Treatment of 
the Commons. — Increase of the army. — Close of the Townshend mini- 
stry. — Political songs. — Mr. Grattan's writings at this period. — His 
character of Lord Chatham. — Sir Hercules Langrishe. — His character. 
His Barataria. — Lines on him by Mr. Grattan. — Poem of Langrishe 
on Miss Catley and Miss Weiwitzer. — Opinions on the late Viceroy. 
— His conduct at Quebec. — Mr. Flood. — His social character. — His 
style of speaking. — His scholarship and literary talents. — His personal 
appearance. — The Octennial Bill. — The Militia Bill. — Design of the 
ministry to destroy the Irish aristocracy. — Flood's acceptance of 
office. — The Harcourt administration. — Its prodigality. — Ireland and 
America . . .... Page 172 


Mr. Grattan at the Temple. — Political excitement. — Character of Wilkes. 
— Sketch of the events of those times, by Mr. Grattan. — Lord Chat- 



ham's Ministry — Inutility of opposition to it.— Court of Prince Fre- 
derick. — The Whigs and the Aristocracy. — Retirement of Mr. Pitt 
and the Duke of Newcastle. — The tables turned— Birth of the Whig 
Ministry. — Appointment of the Chatham Ministry. — Return of Wilkes 
from exile — His election for Middlesex — His outlawry reversed — His 
reception by the people — His fine and imprisonment — His treatment 
by the Government. — Lord Weymouth's letter. — Wilkes repeatedly 
elected for Middlesex, and as repeatedly rejected by the House of 
Commons — This measure defended. — Petitions of the people. — For- 
midable opposition. — Beckford . — Granby . — Camden. — Grenville. — 
Cowardice of the Ministry. — Inefficacy of the Opposition — Reasons 
for this. — Unparalleled luxury and licentiousness of the time. — Mr. 
Grattan's report of Lord Chatham's Speech on Wilkes's expulsion. — 
Mr. Grattan's description of Lord Chatham's speaking — Examples of 
bis style. — Original letter of George III. relative to Lord Chatham 

Page 210 


Correspondence resumed. — Juvenile Essay on Patriotism, by Mr 
Grattan — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — The same to the same. — 
Mr. Grattan visits France. — Resides at Paris. — Acquaintance with a 
French nobleman. — Letter to him from Mr. Grattan, in French. — 
Mr. Broome to Mr. Grattan. — Mr. Grattan called to the Irish bar, 
1772. — Loses his first cause, and returns half the fee. — His associates 
at this period. — Mr. Gore, Lord Annaly, Mr. Hussey Burgh, Mr. 
Denis Daly, Mr. Yelverton, Mr. Doyle, Mr. Bushe, Mr. Langrishe, 
Mr. Forbes, Mr. Day. — Political meetings among these friends. — 
They form a political club. — Lord Charlemont. — His literary tastes. — 
Mr. Daly. — Judge Kelly. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Day. — The same to 
the same. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — The same to the same. — 
Mr. Grattan to Mr. Day. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome . Page 240 


Close of Lord Townshend's administration. — Accession of Lord Har- 
court. — Absentee tax proposed but abandoned. — Insignificant 
concessions to Ireland. — Concession to the Catholics. — Con- 
formity encouraged. — Origin of Irish resistance. — The American 



question. — Ireland called on to assist in the war. — She resists. — 
Popular efforts against the measure. — The spirit of the people 
roused. — The Hutchinsons. — Hely Hutchinson. — Double duel. 

— Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — The same to the same. — 
Character of Hely Hutchinson. — His powers as a speaker — His 
satire—Attack on Flood. — Attorney-General Tisdall. — Anecdotes. — 
Death of Tisdall ..... Page 262 


Mr. Grattan's first entrance into Parliament. — His connexion with Lord 
Charlemont. — Sits for the borough of Charlemont. — His first speech. 

— Opposed to Mr. Flood. — Unjust distribution of offices. — Opinions 
of the press of Mr. Grattan's debut in Parliament. — Embargo on pro- 
visions the cause of great distress. — Mr. Grattan moves for retrench- 
ment. — Charles Fox becomes acquainted with Mr. Grattan. — Distress 
of the people. — Swift on the treatment of Ireland. — The Irish in 
America. — English reverses in America. — Their beneficial effect on 
Ireland — 1778. — Motion by Mr. Grattan for retrenchment — without 
success. — Popish Relief Bill. — Denis Daly, his character. — Mr. 
Grattan's intimacy with him. — Daly's death in 1791 . Page 281 


End of Lord Harcourt's Administration. — Succeeded by the Earl of 
Buckinghamshire. — Commissioners sent to treat with American Co- 
lonies. — Jealousy and distress of Ireland. — Letter of Lord Lieutenant 
to Lord North. — Irish ask for enlargement of their Trade. — Their 
attachment to the King and the Government. — Letter of Lord Lieute- 
nant to Lord Weymouth. — Militia Bill. — Offer by the gentry to raise 
men among their tenantry. — Independent Companies. — Singular state 
of Irish affairs. — Lord North's opinion. — Lord Lieutenant's opinions. 
— Decay of trade. — Exhausted Treasury. — Viceroy borrows 20,000/. 
from La Touche. — Misconduct of Ministers. — All payments stopped. 
— Government becomes Bankrupt. — They apply for a second sum 
of 20,0001. — Messrs. La Touche decline the advance. — Encampment 
of the Military abandoned. — Gross frauds detected in the payment 
of the troops. — Desperate state of Ireland. — Spencer's opinions on 
her resources. — Advice to future Ministers. — Letters of the Lord 



Lieutenant to Lord North on Irish Fisheries. — Injury inflicted on 
Ireland, Act being evaded. — Linen Manufacture. — Statement of 
Military Force. — Stops all Payments, Civil and Military.— Sends 
Mr. Clements to London to Lord North for assistance. — Letter to 
Lord Weymouth. — Stops the movement of the troops. — Left without 
supplies. — Impossible to defend Ireland if attacked . Page 296 


Concession to the Catholics. — Interesting debates on the Bill. — 
Claims of the Presbyterians. — Mr. Pery's exertions against the 
Embargo. — Remonstrance on the Embargo, by the chief Merchants 
of Ireland. — Treatment of Ireland in the English Parliament.— 
Paucity of relief afforded her. — Nations the best judges of their 
rights. — Matters approach a Crisis. — Danger of Invasion. — The 
Volunteers formed. — Fears of the Government. — Representations 
of the Lord Lieutenant on the subject. — Causes of the distresses. — 
Rise of Rents and Absenteeism. — Failure of Credit. — Alarm of In- 
vasion. — Clanricarde Volunteers. — Alarm of Government. — Dis- 
couragement of the Volunteers. — Temporising policy of Government. 

Page 328 


Exertions of the Press in favour of Ireland's rights. — Dean Swift's advice 
to use domestic manufactures. — Mr. Johnson. — Jebb, Dobbs, Pollock, 
O'Leary's writings. — Counties agree to use domestic manufactures. — 
Enter into non-importation and non-consumption agreements. — Lord 
Lieutenant's and Lord Weymouth's letters. — Invasion ^apprehended. 
— Privy Council orders the issuing of arms. — Roman Catholic priests. 
— The minister apprehends danger. — Government plan to discourage 
volunteers. — Conduct of Privy Council. — Their resolution. — Speech 
from the throne. —Letters of Lord Lieutenant and Lord Weymouth 
respecting the opening of the Session of Parliament in 1779. 

Page 362 


Critical state of Ireland. — Mr. Grattan and his friends concert measures 
for her relief. — Meeting for that purpose. — Mr. Daly's illness. — Two 



addresses prepared. — Mr. Daly's approved and moved in the House 
by Mr. Grattan. — Agreed to with alterations.— The Government taken 
by surprise. — Opening of Mr. Grattan's career. — Parliamentary 
anecdotes of Flood, Burgh, Pery, and Grattan. — Subsequent pro- 
ceedings. — The Lord Chancellor and Lord Annaly. — The Lord 
Lieutenant to Lord Weymouth on the recent events. — The same to the 
same. — Imprudence of Government. — Non-controul of the English 
legislature over Ireland. — Volunteer question. — Reply of the King.— 
Commanding attitude of the volunteers. — Rejoicing of the people. — 
Demonstrations of revolt. — Scott and Yelverton. — Address to the Lord 
Lieutenant. — Taxes refused. — Brilliant speech of Mr. Burgh and its 
consequences. — His retirement from office and death. — Character of 
the Lord Chief Baron Burgh . . . Page 383 



Proceedings in the Irish Parliament in the time of Charles I. 

in asserting the rights and Liberties of the Kingdom of 

Ireland. ....... 



Instruction for the said Committee in England . 



Queries to the Judges . 



Protestation of the Commons against Lord Strafford 



Impeachment of Lord Strafford .... 



Impeachment of the Lord Chancellor . . . . 



The Graces 



The Three Instruments from the Irish Parliament submitted 

to Charles I. ...... 



Declaration of the Rights of Ireland, 1641 



List of Members for Ireland in Cromwell's Parliament . 



List of the celebrated Division in 1753 . . . . 



Absentees of Ireland ..... 



Barataria, by Sir Hercules Langrishe 



Non-Importation Agreement .... 






DEAN Swift to the Duke of Dorset, 30th December, 1735,— As to 

the Grattan family . . . . . .32 

Lord Chesterfield to Chief Justice Marlay, 1st January, 1747— His 

regard for — Regrets leaving Ireland . . . .37 

Richard Marlay to Mr. Grattan, 30th July, 1763,— The Oak Boys, and 

Lady Jane Courtney — note upon . . . .44 

Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome, August, 1765, — Broome' s^health . 48 

Same .. to same, June, 1765, — Death of his father . . 49 

Same . . to same, 23rd April, 1767, — Of Macaulay Boyd . . 50 

Same . . to same, 7th May, 1767, — Of Lord Bolingbroke, — Virgil 

and Pope's writings . . . . . .52 

Same .. to same, 3rd November, 1767, — Macaulay's marriage — 

London life . . . . . .115 

Robert Day to the author, 28th May, 1838,— Mr. Grattan's living at 

Windsor — anecdote of . . . . .117 

Mr. Grattan to Broome, 13th January, 1768, — His sister's death — 

Macaulay's marriage ...... 120 

Same .. to same, 25th February, 1768, — Irish Parliament — Oc- 
tennial Bill — Oxford Corporation — Corruption of . . 122 
Same .. to Robert Day, 13th March, 1768, — Excursion to the 

sea . . . . . . .123 

Same .. to Broome, 22nd March, 1 768, — Description of Windsor 

Forest— his Studies . . . . . .125 




Mr. Grattan to Robert Day, May, 1768,— Mr. Fitzgibbon (afterwards 

Lord Clare) — death of his landlady .... 126 

Same .. to Broome, 19th May, 1768,— Strangers excluded from 
Galleries of English Parliament— Lord North— Mr. Gren- 
ville— Mr. Burke . . . . . .127 

Same .. to same, 14th August, 1768, — Lowness of spirits — Re- 
marks on Lord Clarendon — Bolingbroke — Burnet . . 129 
Richard Marlay to Mr. Grattan, 3rd November, 1768, — Death of 

his mother . . . . . • $' . 130 

Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome, 14th November, 1768,— On the death of 

his mother ....... 132 

Gervase Parker Bushe to Mr. Grattan, 18th January, 1769,— Pamphlet 

on American war — On George Grenville — note upon . . 136 

Richard Marlay to Mr. Grattan, 9 July, 1769, — Humorous statement 

as to the Langrishes — William Gerard Hamilton — note upon 137 
Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome, 17th February, 1769,— On Macaulay 

Boyd— Wilkes elected for Middlesex . . . .138 

Mr. Bushe to Mr. Grattan, September, 1769,— Duel of Mr. Flood 

and Agar — death of latter . . . . .140 

Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome, 8th December, 1769, — Strangers ex- 
cluded from House of Commons — Mr. Burke's eloquence . 142 
Same .. to same, 15th December, 1769, — His study — Dean 

Swift . . . . . . . .144 

Richard Marlay to Mr. Grattan, 20th October, 1763, — His illness- 
Miss Catley's acting . . . . . .148 

Mossop to Richard Marlay, August, 1772, — On the French drama . 149 
Richard Marlay to Mr. Grattan, 26th August, 1763, — Advises to study 

law — private acting . . . . .150 

Mr. Grattan to Robert Day, 9th January, 1770, Irish politics — Lord 

Townshend — Flood — Hutchinson . . . .151 

Mr. Grattan to Broome, 8th February, 1770, — Irish politics — Boyd 

Tinnehinch— county Wicklow . . . . .153 

Same .. to Day, 11th February, 1770, — Irish politics — Private 
Theatricals — Miss Montgomeries — his writing — Posthumus 
— famous Irish beauties — Miss Gunnings . . .154 

Same . . to Brome, 22nd Feb. 1770, — On retirement — on Flood . 156 
Same . . to Editor of Junius, Nov. 1805, — Who was the author of 

Junius? ....... 158 

Same to Broome, 16th March, 1770,— Irish Politics . . 160 

Same., to Day, 30th March, 1770, — Government of Lord 

Townshend . . . . . . .162 




Mr. Grattan to Broome, 19th April, 1 770,— Journey to London — Mr. 

Wilkes— Lord Chatham . . . . . 16 5 

Same . . to same, 22nd Nov. 1770, — Abode at Windsor Forest — 

Grenville's death — Barre ..... 165 
Robert Day, to Mr. Grattan, 30th Nov. 1/70, — Journey to Holland — 

excuse for leaving Windsor Forest . . . .167 

Mr. Grattan, to Day, Dec. 1770, — Account of Lord Chatham — Burke 

— Barre — Lord Clare's speech . . . .169 

Same .. to Mr. Broome, 1st April, 1771, — On Patriotism — Con- 
duct of English House of Commons on Middlesex Election — 
Colonel Barre . . . . . .241 

Same .. to same, 7th August, 1771, — Describes his landlady — 

death of Gray the Poet . . . . .246 

Same . . to the Chevalier D' — His visit to France . . 248 

Mr. Broome to Mr. Grattan, 21st October, 1771, — Description of 

France ....... 250 

Mr. Grattan to Mr. Day, 9th January, 1772, — Returns to Ireland . 253 

Same . . to same, 13th January, 1772, — Description of Dublin . 254 

Same .. to Mr. Broome, — January, 1772, — Irish Parliament — 

Mr. Flood . . . . . . .236 

Same .. to same, 24th February, 1772, — Irish Parliament— Mr. 

Flood . . . . . . . .257 

Same . . to Mr. Day, 27th February, 1772, — Irish Parliament- 
Mr. Flood . . . . . . .259 

Same .. to Mr. Broome, 29th December, 1772, — Lord Harcourt . 261 

Same .. to same, 19th July, 1774, — Mr. Hutchinson, Provost . 274 

Same . . to same, 28th January, 1775, — Mr. Doyle — Mr. Hut- 
chinson — duel ...... 275 

Lord Buckingham to Lord North, 20th March, 1778, — Irish trade . 298 

Same .. to Lord Weymouth, 21st April 1778, — Militia Bill 

— Independent Companies ..... 300 

Same., to Lord North, 22nd April, 1778, — Independent 

Companies ....... 305 

Same., to same, 22nd April, 1778, — Irish fisheries . . 313 

*arae .. to same, 22nd April, 1778,— Irish Linen trade . . 317 

Same., to same, 29th April, 1778, — Military force . . 318 

Same . . to same, 30th April, 1778, — Wants to borrow 

money ....... 321 

Same., to same, 1st May, 1778, — Distresses of Govern- 
ment . . . . . . . .323 

Same., to Lord Weymouth, 16th May, 1778, — Encamping 

troops ....... 326 




Lord Buckingham to Lord Weymouth, 17th May, 1778, — Dis- 
tresses of Government . . . . .327 

Same . . to same, 20th June, 1778, — Roman Catholic Bill— Test 

Act . . . . . . .329 

Same., to same, 25th June, 1778, — Roman Catholic Bill . 332 

Same .. to same, 10th August, 1778, — Roman Catholic 

Bill 333 

Sir Richard Heron to John Robinson, Esq. 5th Sept. 1778, — Embargo 

on Irish trade ...... 334 

Edmund Pery to Sir Richard Heron, 2nd Sept. 1778, — Embargo on 

Irish trade . . . . . . .335 

Lord Weymouth to Lord Buckingham, 7th May, 1779, — Meeting of 

Citizens in Dublin . . . . . . .346 

Lord Buckingham to Lord Weymouth, 24th May, 1779, — Indepen- 
dent Companies discouraged by Government . . . 347 
Same . . to same 28th May, 1779,— Causes of Irish distress . 349 
Same . . to Lord Weymouth, 29th May, 1779, — Lord Tyrones' 

offer and letter . . . . . .351 

Lord Tyrone to Beresford, 28th May, 1779, — Roman Catholics join- 
ing the Volunteers ...... 352 

Lord Buckingham to Lord Weymouth, 29th May, 1779, — Associations 

to wear Irish Manufactures ..... 353 

Lord Clanricarde to Lord Lieutenant, 31st May, 1779, — Offers his 

Services ....... 355 

Mr. Waite to Lord Clanricarde, 5th June, 1779, — Lord Lieutenant 

declines offer of Volunteers . . . . .356 

Lord Buckingham to Lord Weymouth, 4th June, 1779, — Volunteers . 357 
Lord Weymouth to Lord Buckingham, 7th June, 1779, — Desires to 

discourage the Volunteers : 358 

Lord Buckingham to Lord Weymouth, 12th June, 1779, — Applied 

to for arms — advises to temporize . , . 359 

Same., to same, 25th June, 1779, — Applied to for arms. . 360 
Same., to same, 23rd July, 1779, — Proceedings of Privy 

Council ....... 366 

Same .. to same, 23rd July, 1779, — Privy Council issues arms 

to Volunteers ....... 367 

Same . . to same, 13th October, 1779, — Account of debate on 

Mr. Grattan's motion for free trade . . . .391 

Same . . to same, 14th October, 1779, — On the Volunteers, and 

Duke of Leinster ...... 395 

Lord Temple to Right Hon. John Foster, 24th October, 1783, —On 

death of Chief Baron Burgh . . • . .407 





Preliminary Remarks. — Irish History. — Doctor Leland. — Lord 
Strafford's Rebellion of 1641.— Sir J. Davies's History.— Con- 
duct of the Stuart Family to Ireland. — Hume's Remarks on 
Ireland.— Ancient History of Ireland. — Acts in the Irish Par- 
liament of James II. — Policy to be pursued by Ireland. — Govern- 
ment of George III. in Ireland. — His Character. — The Acquisitions 
of Ireland frustrated by Government. — Torture inflicted on the 
People — Spread of the rebellion. — Conspiracy of Ministers against 
Liberty — Popular Measures — rejected, — granted, — and eluded. — 
System execrable. — Pitt. — Duke of Portland. — Lord Clare's exte- 
nuation. — Hope in a Limited Monarchy. 

The history of Mr. Grattan's time comprises 
nearly all that is valuable in the history of Ireland. 
Before that period she can scarcely be said to 
have existed as a nation : with all the rights of 
one, she had none of the advantages ; her strug- 
gles for liberty were vain and hopeless, and only 




served to confirm the tyranny to which she was 
doomed to submit. 

Before the time of George III. Ireland was a 
scene of plunder and rapine, insurrection and for- 
feiture ; the people enjoyed neither law nor 
liberty; one party assumed the character of 
victors, the other that of victims. The history is 
shocking, or rather it is no history at all, but a 
sad tragedy, outraging the name of history. All 
parties behaved ill : the Irish were bad, but the 
English were infinitely worse ; and whenever the 
commercial or political interests of the latter 
clashed, Ireland was made the sufferer. In no 
country more than in Ireland is the remark of 
Tacitus so fully exemplified, where he says, " the 
punishment of mortals is the care of the gods, but 
not their happiness." It was said, the English 
kings took away the property of the Irish subjects 
in order to civilize them ; just as conquerors, and 
sometimes even those who at once usurp and dis- 
grace the name of Christians, use savages, when 
they rob them of their land, and eventually of 
their lives, with a view to their conformity. In 
truth, the records of those unhappy times should 
be publicly consigned to the flames. Written by 
the conquering party, they palliate all sorts of 
crime, and inculcate servitude as a duty and a 
virtue. Even their best historian, Doctor Leland, 
trembles as he writes; — he is startled at his own 
facts; he does not find fault with a single vicious 



principle ;- he praises Lord Strafford, that great 
public offender, who was guilty of every crime, 
except the one for which he suffered — high 
treason, and whose conduct would have justified 
any proceeding against him except that. Lord 
Strafford had taken from the Irish their liberty, 
and was taking away their property, (for the 
Graces* never passed into a law.) He inflicted 
torture, he punished persons who would not find 
verdicts for the crown, by boring their tongues 
through, cutting off their ears, and the remainder 
of their ears, (Commons' Journal, vol. i.) In 
short, he violated all law, moral and divine. Yet 
th is is the man whom Dr. Leland praises ; and of 
the parliament that assisted in bringing him to the 

* See Appendix, for King Charles' Letter, confirming the " Graces." 
They resembled the English petition of right, but were more conversant 
in private matters ; they secured the property of the subject from the 
claims of the crown, and the person of the subject from the oppression of 
the government. The error committed here was similar to that in 1783 
respecting the Act of Renunciation, (of which mention will be made 
hereafter.) The Irish had a common-law title to their estates, yet they 
did not rest upon that, but chose to hold under a British statute, and took 
out patents to their estates in the time of Elizabeth; these patenls were 
not enrolled. Charles the First took advantage of the omission, and 
proceeded to seize the lands in the west of Ireland, fining and confining 
the juries who did not return verdicts for the crown. The people com- 
plained that the " Graces'' were not passed into a law ; the king promised 
to confirm them. Strafford "took upon himself the breach of the royal 
word;" and shortly after the king, as well as Strafford, lost his head, and 
the people their estates. 

B 2 



block, he says, " On the whole, they were more 
to be commended than censured ;" wholly for- 
getting the spirit they displayed in various pro- 
ceedings, the graces, their protestation, the three 
instruments, their deputation to England, and 
their resolution of the 26th July, 1641, when they 
unanimously voted, " That the subjects of his 
majesty's kingdom were a free people, and to be 
governed only according to the common law of 
England, and statutes made and established by 
parliament in the kingdom of Ireland, and accord- 
ing to the lawful custom used in the same."* 

The Rebellion of 1641, was, no douht, in its 
plan, bloody, in its execution, weak and timid, and 
in its motives, though natural, not religious. The 
violence of that period was not a cause, but an 
effect — the consequence of Lord Strafford's govern- 
ment, and a reply to it. But to explain this, it 
is necessary to go far back; and in doing so we 
shall find a continued system of bad Government : 
— a religion forced upon the people — violence and 
oppression on the part of the governors — and the 
consummation of the system taking place under 
Lord Strafford, who told them " they were a con- 
quered people and that their charters were void." 
The reply to this latter insult was natural : — " We 
consider you as conquerors, and we shall try to banish 
vou." In fact there existed neither liberty, nor 
the spirit of liberty; and the proceedings of the 

* See Appendix for the Constitutional Acts of this Parliament. 



times show that the English system of govern meat 
failed, and that it was such as to render the people 
unfit for any government or any law. 

The two treaties— that of 164G and of 1648— 
were not observed either by the government or 
the people. The Lords Justices themselves were 
in rebellion ; their object was to obtain forfeitures ; 
they obeyed no law. The Pope himself had the 
most power ; and all this brought on the only 
government the country could bear — namely, that 
of Cromwell and the sword. The result was 
horrible confusion, where barbarous art and still 
more barbarous nature, were acting in fury against 
each other, to their common destruction, and 
ultimately, to the destruction of the country and 
the constitution. 

Doctor Leland states the atrocities of this time, 
but does not dare to indulge in the indignation which 
they call for. In his Reign of James I., he gives his 
narrative a subdued colouring, and a complexion 
of modest sarcasm, and the circumstances he 
narrates prove the tyrannical ascendancy of past 
times, and his fears of the present. He misleads 
his readers, and smooths down the crimes and 
violations committed in Ireland, till his works 
tend to recommend slavery, and would seem to be 
those of a court historian, writing the history of a 
wretched province for pay and promotion. 

In later times it is still worse, for the courtier 
and the ministers became not only evidences, but 



annalists of Ireland's shame and misery ; and after 
having voted obsequiously and corruptly, and 
argued fallaciously, they performed the third and 
last act of mischief towards their country, by 
becoming her defamers under the title of her 
historians. Such were the labours of Dr. Duigenan, 
Sir Richard Musgrave, and even the historical 
speeches of Lord Clare. 

In the early history of Ireland there was no 
body that represented the sense of the nation. 
The people were divided into the settlers, who 
enjoyed the English law, and the Irish, who 
adhered to the Brehon law. The former enjoyed 
the liberties and the privileges, and the latter 
exercised the government ; and both assisted in 
excluding English supremacy, — the settlers by 
the liberty that was granted, and the natives by 
the dominion they exercised ; so that the idea of 
Ireland being a conquered country, — which was 
contended for, and which Lord Strafford advanced 
in his speech to the city of Dublin, — did not hold 
good, because the Irish anticipated this by 
acquiescence and compact. 

A Parliament was holden at Lismore in the time 
of Henry II. Matthew Paris, the historian, speaks 
of it, and Cambrensis was present at it. But from 
this commencement until the time of James I., 
Irish history is little or nothing worth : at the last- 
named period, however, it begins to be interesting. 
Elizabeth divided the country into shires ; she 



erected seventeen counties, and generalized Par- 
liament, though she did not assemble it. James 
I. did, but he counteracted what Elizabeth had 
done. He erected forty boroughs, and narrowed 
the representation by giving it to individuals ; so 
that he destroyed the constitution at its very 
birth ; it was no sooner created than it was an- 

* Sir John Davies says, that James was the first 
who called a free Parliament. This is partly true ; 
but it is true only with a view to the concealment 
of what was false ; for James really destroyed the 
freedom of Parliament ; he disapproved of the 
system of government, and thought that the Irish 
should be governed by English law, but not by 
the English constitution. In fact nothing could 
be worse than the conduct of the family in favour 
of whom Sir John Davies wrote, — the Stuarts, that 
most faithless race, — the first of whom was a cox- 
comb, the second (James) a bigot and a coward ; 
while the first Charles was treacherous and insin- 
cere, and the second Charles was not only a tyrant, 
but a tyrant in the pay of the enemies of England : 
moreover, in politics he was a Catholic, and in 
religion a deist. 

Ireland was ill treated by them all ; and her 
government must have been a bad one indeed, 

* His errors are fully exposed in a work entitled " Essay on the 
Antiquity and Constitution of Parliament in Ireland." By H. J. M. 
Mason. Dublin, 1320. 



when it did not afford a single penal example ; for 
though Ireland arraigned Strafford, he died for his 
crimes against England. 

Hume, when he states that the Irish " from the 
beginning of time were buried in profound bar- 
barism and ignorance, and continued (while the 
western world grew civilized) distinguished by 
vices alone," only discovers his prejudices and 
want of research, and misleads his readers. Did 
he forget that in 1417, at the Council of Constance, 
when the legate of Henry V. of England and of 
Charles VI. of France disputed the precedency, 
the preference was allowed to England, entirely 
on account of the antiquity of Ireland ? The argu- 
ment on which the contest was decided, was taken 
from the authority of Albertus Magnus and Bartho- 
lomasus, and is in these words : — 

" In the division of the world, Europe was sub- 
divided into four great kingdoms, 1, That of 
Rome — 2, That of Constantinople — 3, That of 
Ireland — 4, That of Spain — whence it appears 
that the King of England, being also King of 
Ireland, is one of the most ancient Kings of 

It appears therefore that Ireland had, among 
other kingdoms of Europe, all the weight and 
dignity of a respectable and free nation, long be- 
fore its connection with England. 

In his apology for the house of Stuart, Hume 
exacts less morality from a prince than from a 



subject. Murder with him is lost in despotism, 
and he is a slave to kings instead of a bold histo- 
rian, who should not fear to punish the tyrant and 
pursue him with the severity of history, and thus 
render that tribute of punishment which is due to 
posterity. When a historian records a bad act, 
and makes no comment on it, his fault is more 
than a negative one : he not merely encourages, 
he inculcates servility. When Hume wrote the 
reign of the Tudors and the Stuarts in Ireland, 
and neglected to express the indignation which 
the events of those reigns demand, he proved 
himself a dishonest historian. Such writers do 
great public mischief : they rob the Almighty 
of his noblest attribute — justice, and take from man 
the infamy that should follow a bad character. 

Sir John Davies, whose work is referred to as 
authority, affords a melancholy proof of the perver- 
sion of truth, to natter James, and serve his inte- 
rests. He came to Ireland to assist him in his 
efforts to destroy the constitution ; and in prais- 
ing the act of that pedantic prince, in creating forty 
boroughs, he attacks the Parliamentary constitu- 
tion of Ireland, and denies that she has had any 
distinct Legislature for 140 years after Henry II. ; 
whereas the records of Ireland show the very 
reverse — namely, a statute passed in the second of 
Richard III., reciting another statute of Henry II., 
containing a Parliamentary legislative enactment, 
arranging the Government of the country. 



In Rymer's Fcedera, will be found a writ to con- 
vene an Irish Parliament in the thirty-eighth Henry 
III., A.D., 1253 ; and there is a statute of that year 
still extant on the roll, which will be found in 
Bermingham Tower, in the Black Book of Christ- 
Church, Dublin. There is also an Act of a Parlia- 
ment of Edward L, and the list of the members 
appears in the history of Sir Richard Cox ; and 
lastly, Sir Richard Bolton, the chief Baron, the 
cotemporary of Sir John Davies (then Attorney- 
general), published an edition of Irish statutes in 
1621, and recites an Act of the third of Henry 
II., which is prior to the period stated by Sir 
John Davies, as the commencement of Irish 

It would seem strange that the Chief Baron 
should know what the Attorney-general was igno- 
rant of. But our surprise will cease when we 
reflect that every effort was made to spoliate and 
misrepresent every Irish record, and the trace of 
every thing creditable to Ireland ; and when we 
find that one of the ablest writers and most inde- 
pendent men (Molyneux) was persecuted for his 
efforts in her cause, and his works burned by 
orders of the House of Commons, by the hands of 
the common hangman ; when in later times, we 
find Swift's writings in defence of Irish trade, and 
manufactures proscribed ; and later still, when a 
more humble but strenuous champion for her rights 
(Dr. Lucas) was, for his exertions on her behalf, 



banished from Ireland by vote of the House of 
Commons, his works prosecuted as libels, and he 
himself declared to be an enemy to his country : 
when these things are called to mind, few men 
will be found to attempt the labour of writing Irish 
history, and fewer still will perform it well. Few 
men will take the pains, and fewer will possess the 
spirit. It requires an excess of indignation to be 
an Irish historian ; in addition to which, the heart 
must be bold , and the hand fearless, that will 
venture to tell the truth. 

In addition to these disadvantages, the early his- 
tory of Ireland, when her piety and learning were 
remarkable, is lost in the greatness of its distance 
and its antiquity. Her historical records, like her 
castles and her forests, were for the most part 
mutilated or destroyed, so that few vestiges of 
them can be found.* As a proof of this, it is re- 
markable, that besides the twenty-three Acts 
passed in the time of Henry VII., and printed in 
our statutes, there were two others recorded in 
the Rolls Office. 

1st, That the Church of Ireland shall be free 
and enjoy all its accustomed liberties. 

2nd, That the land of Ireland shall hereafter 
enjoy all its franchises and privileges as it used to 
do before. 

* Sir John Perrott in his " Letter of Advice on the subject of Ireland," 
asks that 6000/. should be granted to cut down the five great woods in 
the west of Ireland. 



This also formed a ground of complaint in the 
third Instrument, as it was then termed, agreed 
on by the House of Commons in Ireland, May, 
1641, to be presented to the King : 

"That the records of the kingdom touching the 
just rights and liberties of the people were embez- 
zled and destroyed, and divers of them brought 
into England." 

Ireland's history, too, had no connexion with the 
politics of other countries, and exercised no in- 
fluence upon them. The disputes in which Ire- 
land was involved were chiefly with England, and 
in these she displayed little skill, either military 
or political ; none indeed in the time of Henry II. 
or Elizabeth, or Charles I., nor until the time of 
William III., and then only on one side, when the 
Irish people followed the fortunes of a miserable 
prince, belonging to an execrable race, destitute 
of every sense of courage, liberty, or religion. 
The only two good acts of the life of this prince 
(except his abdication) were the result of neces- 
sity ; they were extorted by the Irish in the mo- 
ment of his panic, and were obtained too late to 
be of any service ; and even these measures, to 
which James II. contributed, lie buried in obli- 
vion. The books that transmitted them to poste- 
rity were for the most part suppressed ; yet they 
deserve to be recorded, for they restored to Ireland 
her independence. James was supported by a 
great body of Catholics, who, though they were 



called rebels, were not slaves, for they obtained a 
constitution before they accompanied him to the 
field ; and there was principle in their conduct, 
though perhaps not policy. 

In the parliament held in Dublin, two acts were 
passed that gave, granted, and secured to Ireland 
a free and independent constitution, — destroyed 
the British supremacy — abolished the appeals to 
England, — established a limited monarchy, and a 
British form of government. All this too was 
obtained by Papists, (as they were termed,) and 
extorted from a Catholic King, by men who would 
not rest content with Popery, but demanded free- 
dom. The account of this appears in a work 
entitled "Proceedings of the Parliament in Ireland, 
beginning March 25, 1689, and ending June follow- 
ing. — London, 1689. " Library British Museum. 

" The Parliament of the late King James met in 
Dublin, the 25th March, 1689, at the Inns. On 
the 8th of May, the King came to the house, and 
on the 1 4th two bills were brought from the Com- 
mons against writs of error and appeals to England, 
and that an Act of Parliament in England, should 
not bind Ireland. James was present and sup- 
ported them. A bill brought in on the 13th, by 
Chief Justice Nugent, to repeal the act of Settle- 
ment, was rejected on the second reading. Such 
was the liberal disposition of that parliament." 
Thirty-five bills were passed, several of a liberal 
character. An act for liberty of conscience, and 


for repealing all acts or clauses in any Act of 
Parliament inconsistent with the same. An act 
concerning martial law. An act to annul and 
make void all patents of offices for life. An act 
declaring that the Parliament of England cannot 
bind Ireland, and against writs of error and appeals 
to be brought for removing judgments, decrees, and 
sentences given in Ireland into England. An act 
regarding absentees. An act concerning tithes. 
An act of recognition. An act to repeal Poyning's 
laws. The minutes of the House of Commons, 
June 2 1st, state, with respect to this bill, " the 
report for repealing Poyning's statutes was read, 
and told us the king would have a clause that he 
and his heirs should have the bill first agreed to by 
him and his council, before they should pass the 
Commons, and it's ordered to be printed, and the 
house inclined to be as free as the parliament of 

An act of King William, passed by the English 
parliament, rendered void all these laws ; but 
seven years afterwards it was thought necessary, 
by the advice of the English privy council, that 
this act should be ratified in Ireland, as the vali- 
dity of an English statute to bind Ireland was 

* An act was passed in Ireland, prohibiting them under severe 
penalties, and they were all ordered to be burned by order of the English 
House of Commons, in Old Palace-yard; the Sergeant-at-Arms and 
Sheriffs of London and Middlesex assisting at the obsequies. 



It is a very remarkable circumstance, that when 
the Catholics were in parliament in the time of 
Charles I. they asserted the liberties of Ireland; 
when they were in parliament in the time of 
James II. they established her liberties; and 
when they were excluded from parliament, the 
country lost her trade, her independence, and, 
ultimately, her constitution. In 1641, they made 
a struggle for her freedom ; their Declaration of 
Right asserted the liberties of Ireland ; their 
queries to the judges were in favour of her liber- 
ties ; most of these queries the judges did not wish 
to answer; many of them they would not answer; 
and some they did answer favourably to the rights 
of Ireland. 

How visibly does the justice of Providence 
appear in this sad history of persecution! for 
every act of violence was followed by correspond- 
ing punishment. In the time of Charles II. they 
persecuted and excluded the Catholics from par- 
liament; — the supplies were voted for ever, and 
parliament became extinct. In the time of Wil- 
liam III. they enacted a penal code, and this 
was followed by the loss of commerce. In the 
time of Anne and George came more penal laws, 
which were followed by the loss of independence. 
After 1782 the government rejected Catholic 
emancipation. What followed ? An insurrection 
and a union. 

Prior to the period of 1782 the Catholics always 



demanded freedom from England, and the Pro- 
testant dependency, — the necessary result of a 
colonial state. The aristocracy were a low-spirited 
race,— a body of British planters, who still clung 
to the mother-country which they had left, and 
did not yet amalgamate with the new soil in which 
they had not taken root, and to secure their pro- 
perty they made a sacrifice of their freedom. 

In the time of Edward I. the Irish demanded 
the benefits of the British law. In the time of 
Charles the Irish asked for the repeal of Poyning's 
law, and an independent parliament. Even Sir 
John Davies, in his treatise, impliedly admits this, 
when he states that the Irish always expressed 
their desire for equal law and equal justice; and 
this, he says, as contra-distinguished from the 
colonists, who did not incorporate with the natives, 
and the tenure of whose property was not founded 
on law or justice. Sir John Perrott, who was 
president of Munster in the time of Elizabeth, 
says, " they love to be justly dealt with, howsoever 
they deal with one another, and will do more at 
the command of their governor whom they repute, 
and have found to be just, than by the strict 
execution of the laws, or the constraint of any 
force or power— they are for the most part natu- 
rally wise and apt to observe the least advantage 
or opportunity." Such is the testimony of the his- 
torian their governor. It must, however, be ad- 
mitted, that they fell into some capital errors. 



But their conduct, though ill advised, was natural. 
When they offered the crown to the Duke of 
Lorraine, in the time of Charles L, and when they 
sought for French connexion in 1797, they fell 
into an irretrievable error, and adopted a course, 
desperate in itself, and certain not to be forgiven 
by England ; for if there was a principle more 
necessary than any other to be observed by all 
parties in Ireland, that principle was, to keep clear 
of foreign connexion. There might indeed be 
occasions in which Ireland ought to meet England 
in the field ; (the example which Runny mede and 
James II. have furnished, can never be forgotten 
by a people who seek to be free) ; and England 
would forgive the principle of the one, though 
perhaps not the effect. But the other must put 
an end to all reconciliation. When the Irish 
called in the aid of a foreign power, they deter- 
mined upon separation ; and though America may 
be adduced as an instance in favour of Ireland, it 
must be admitted that when America called in 
aid from France, she had determined to separate 
from England, — prompted thereto by her distance 
and her size, which rendered her less afraid 
of the power of France. But in the case of Ire- 
land it was different : when she had made her 
election, it was slavery either to France or to 
England.* This frustrated all her hopes in the 

* How wise was the advice of Swift : — " Do nothing but refuse their 





time of Charles I. and her victory over Strafford. 
It was this that drew down upon her the visita- 
tions of Cromwell.* It was this that ruined her 
in 1798, and brought down upon her the fury of 
Lord Clare's government, subjecting her to free 
quarter, flagellation, and torture. It was this led 
to the union, and the extinction of her parliamen- 
tary independence. 

The reign of George III. comprises the rise 
and fall of the Irish nation. Its analysis is short. 
George III. commenced his reign with all the 
frivolity of a Stuart, and the inelegant obstinacy 
of a gross Prince of the House of Hanover. He 
had no exalted virtue, no great vice, but low in- 
trigue, ceremonious piety, real profound insin- 
cerity, and a mind that shrunk from the view. 
Though not without ordinary understanding, his 
education, like that of most princes, was the worst 
imaginable : a system of prudery in religion, and 
partiality in politics ; a love of innovation, without 
talents of enterprize ; a thirst of absolute power, 
with a thousand disqualifications for command. 
Brought up in a splenetic court, he carried its re- 

half-pence. You have a lawful mode of resistance ; — adopt it and you 
succeed." Another and a more humorous piece of advice in reference 
to the defence of Irish manufactures was, " Burn every thing except 
their coals." 

* After the capture and sacking of Drogheda by Cromwell, and three 
days' licence to his soldiery, when neither age nor sex were spared, the 
English House of Commons returned thanks to the Almighty for the 
services there performed. 




sentments to the throne, and like all narrow minds, 
was fond of power, and liable to slavery. Unen- 
gaging to his people, yet benign to his favourites, 
he sought not real merit, and cultivated few able 
ministers. He never conceived any expansive 
views of the empire, but shrunk at the outset from 
his high station in Europe. He preferred men 
for their obsequiousness, and risked all for his 
palace, and nothing for Great Britain. 

George III. was not, however, without private 
virtues, an attention to decorum, and a great re- 
spect to the appearance of religion. But these were 
virtues of too domestic a nature to procure any 
public good, and too humble to tempt any private 
imitation : unhappily too, the propriety of this 
family character was but ill considered, when the 
servants nearest the King were not the most cor- 
rect nor the most elevated men in England, and 
when the instrument of his government was the 
corruption of his subjects. He was, in fact, an in- 
sincere and unworthy character, formed by a 
woman, and, like a woman, powerful only in 

From this best of kings, as they called him, men 
of reputation fled, and deserted the scheme of his 
government, until he supplicated and wept them 
to return into his service. It was a reign of mean 
appeal to domestic reputation ; of ceremonious de- 
votion ; of partiality and corruption ; of slavery 

c 2 




and ignorance, in government. The empire was 
lost when the king was in possession of his senses ; 
it was recovered only when he was deprived of 

The principle of rule in this reign was absolute 
power. George III. began by turning out Lord 
Chatham, and the old ministers, and introducing 
Lord Bute, a minister subservient to his will. 
He concluded a bad peace, and then commenced 
a war with an individual (Mr. Wilkes), in which 
contest he invaded the liberty of the press, the 
rights of election, and the privileges of Parliament. 
The same principle led him to attack the liberties 
of the people ; and from the attack on the consti- 
tution of his own country, he proceeded to an 
attack on the freedom of another. He proposed 
taxation without Representation ; and he com- 
menced a war to enforce that bad principle, in 
which he lost two armies, 130,000,000/., and his 
empire in America. From this resistance sprung 
the French revolution. 

George III. here engaged in another contest, 
in which, after four coalitions, and many fruitless 
expeditions, after immense loss of men and money, 
he was beaten out of Europe, as he was before 
beaten out of America, and he was forced to con- 
tend for existence alone. He seemed to choose his 
ministers with a view to their capacities for failure : 
—Lord North lost him America ; Mr. Pitt lost him 


Europe ; and if he had lived, Mr. Percival would 
have lost him England ; but it was saved by the 
Duke of Wellington — an Irishman. 

And how did George III. act towards Ireland? 
Still worse than towards England ; for to tyranny 
was added treachery. He commenced by intro- 
ducing a money bill, which was contrary to the 
law of the land. By creating a number of places, 
and by corruption, he destroyed the aristocracy 
of the country. He succeeded in detaching the 
leading men from their party, and attaching them 
to his government. He laid an embargo on Irish 
trade, contrary to law ; in fact, he was as 
great an enemy to the commerce of Ireland as to 
her constitution. He persuaded the Parliament 
to support the American war, he augmented the 
army in order to assist in that war ; he drew that 
army from Ireland, and though he had declared 
to the House of Commons in the preamble to the 
money bill, that the country should never be left 
without an army of twelve thousand, he left it 
without five thousand, and exposed it defenceless 
to the attacks of the enemy. By this conduct he 
excited the indignation of the people ; they were 
obliged to arm in their own defence ; and they 
demanded, and through terror obtained, a free 
trade, and a free constitution: — acts which were 
falsely attributed to the kindness of the King; 
for they were extorted, not granted. Afterwards 


he returned to his own ministers, who adopted 
measures of the greatest violence ; they proceeded 
to a system of vapulation and explosion ; they 
flogged and tortured, and by these means, they 
spread, at least, if not created, a rebellion. They 
then, in the moment of its weakness, robbed the 
country of that constitution which had before been 
so solemnly granted. 

Such is the history of the reign of George 
the Third. 

It is true that great concessions were made, and 
great rights obtained, for the people of Ireland, 
both as to civil and religious liberty* But of how 
little avail are wholesome laws, when administered 
by those who are inimical to them ! In the custody 
of such an administrator, those laws become, like 
those ministers, not privileges, but grievances. 

It happened that in the early part of last cen- 
tury, the state of Ireland, though without freedom, 
was supportable, because the mildness of the go- 
vernment corrected the vices of her constitution. 
But in the latter part of the century, the state of 
the country, with legal freedom, was anxious and 
discontented ; because, in addition to French in- 
trigue, a bad administration struggled to correct 
the virtues of her constitution. In a weak coun- 
try, as far as relates to liberty and tranquillity, a 
good government may counteract a bad constitu- 
tion ; but a good constitution will not counteract 
a bad government — though it may overthrow it. 




There was, in the early times referred to, only an 
absence of liberty and of toleration ; but in the 
latter time, there was, on the part of the ministers 
of the crown, a conspiracy against both. Ireland 
succeeded to the rights of Parliament, but was 
withheld the exercise of those rights ; she ac- 
quired an independent Parliament, but no actual 
independency. The system was, — if any resist, 
buy them, or if any opportunity occur, banish them. 
The people acceded to the Catholic qualification 
bill for office and franchise ; but they got no office 
and no corporate franchise. The system was, — 
abuse them, and exclude them. 

It certainly was inauspicious to the happy as 
well as tranq utilising effects of the measures here 
alluded to, that the ministers should have hated 
both the laws and the people. Can it be imagined 
that the ministry ever loved that people ? Can it be 
conceived that before the Insurrection of 1798, at 
any time, or under any circumstances, they could 
desire the welfare of a country which under any 
circumstances they could so outrage ? Can any 
one believe that a government bestowed a succes- 
sion of benefits in peace, whose conduct was even 
too outrageous for a state of war ? 

So much for their love of the people. What 
can be said for their love of law ? Their minister 
(Lord Clare) expressed his aversion to that " miser- 
able infirmity," as he called it, their constitution ; 
and his colleague, the Duke of Portland, was 




stated to have plotted its destruction with a Scotch 
gentleman (Mr. Ogilvie), at the time he was return- 
ing thanks to Heaven for its establishment. The 
Lord Chancellor, less devout, was much more frank 
and free ; so much so, that, judging from his various 
publications and conduct, it might be doubted 
whether the rebel most hated the state, or the 
minister the country. With such a minister at 
the head of the law, and such a minister at the 
head of the state, (Dr. Duigenan had not yet been 
called to the head of the church,) one may well 
doubt the veracity of that assertion which main- 
tained that the reign of George III. was a suc- 
cession of benefits. 

But it is necessary to go cursorily into detail, 
to show how these popular measures were re- 
jected, how they were granted, and how they were 
eluded. The party so inimical to the people had 
rejected the repeal of Poyning's law twice ; a 
limited mutiny bill three times ; the Irish claim 
of right three times ; the Catholic bill, the place 
bill, the pension bill, were all repeatedly rejected, 
with volumes of abuse ; nor were they granted 
until after great and signal calamities : — the 
American war — the loss of two armies — the loss of 
the Colonies — Jemappes — Dumourier — the dread 
of Jacobinism — the danger of Holland — the unpre- 
pared state of his Majesty's forces; — and accord- 
ing as the panjc ceased, the grant was eluded, 
and, on the first opportunity, revoked, frustrated, 



and demolished. In fact, this history may be re- 
duced to a sentence : — " The English government, 
in her strength, destroyed the Irish constitution ; 
in her weakness, she restored it ; and on her re- 
covery she took it back again." 

The Irish got, in J 782, a repeal of the sixth of 
George I. and were not satisfied ; they got a pen- 
sion bill, and were not satisfied ; they got a place 
bill, and were not satisfied. But the reason 
was this: — the people were deprived of the bene- 
fits of these bills (the acquisition of honest exer- 
tion) by the very men who had first opposed and 
then rendered them abortive. In fact, the use 
made of the repeal of the sixth of George I. in 
1782, was to buy the Houses of Parliament in 
1789 : and the use made of the place bill was to 
banish the Parliament in 1800. They did not 
seek to purify or to model Parliament ; but, in 
order to banish and transport Parliament, the mi- 
nisters intruded sixty trusty men into the House 
of Commons in 1 800, to vote the Commons out of 
the realm. 

These were some, and very natural reasons 
why the Irish were not satisfied ; just like the 
English under the Stuarts. The English people 
in the reign of Charles I. acquired a great many 
things: — their petition of right was granted — 
tonnage and poundage and forced loans were 
abolished. In the reign of Charles II. their con- 
stitution had, according to a great legal autho- 




rity, arrived at the model of perfection ; yet they 
were dissatisfied, and their dissatisfaction in- 
creased, until it went so far as to behead their 
king, because he violated his own promises, and 
broke his own laws. 

But in the instance of the Irish, there was this 
additional provocation — that they beheld their mi- 
nisters not executed, but honoured, and the minis- 
ters, like their laws, became public grievances ; 
so that Ireland was deprived of the blessing, and 
England of the gratitude. Mr. Pitt had declared, 
in one of his speeches, that the policy formerly 
observed towards Ireland had been entirely il- 
liberal. Yet that policy was not altered until 
the twentieth year of the reign of George III. 
and then but for a short time. Mr. Pitt's col- 
league likewise, (the Duke of Portland,) declared 
in 1795, that the system which was pursued 
with regard to Ireland was execrable, and that 
he took office chiefly to correct it. He made this 
declaration in 1795, and the system continued 
long after, with much aggravation, and with 
his concurrence. It was however said on the 
other side that this was all irritation, excited by 
individuals, and in particular by the leaders of the 
opposition : just as if, without being told them, 
the people would not know the facts ! as if acts of 
Parliament were state secrets ! The pensions, — to 
whom they were given ; the peers, — how they were 
created; the judges and the bishops, — how they 



came on the bench : — as if all these things were se- 
cret ! Lord Clare's extenuation of the torture — 
the gentleman whose bowels were whipped out — 
he was one of the arcana imperii ! The knowledge 
of these things was " irritation ! " Would silence 
on these things have been less so ? What, forsooth, 
were the Irish to be thankful for ? Was it for the 
constitution of 1782 ? or for its abolition ? or was 
it for the means whereby the union was effected ? 
Were they to kiss the delicate hands of a young 
minister who was called to the cat-d -nine-tails, just 
fresh from drinking* success to the republican 
constitution of France, and brought to w r ork the 
destruction of the Parliament of Ireland. 

In short, every one must admit that England 
governed Ireland as a tyrant. Perhaps all coun- 
tries, and all great public bodies, are tyrants. 
They have no fear of censure, and they do not hear 
or feel their own disgrace. They have no fear 
of punishment, and not always a fear of the Deity; 
so that there is and can be no immediate check 
over them. No man — at least no Irishman — can 
read the history of Ireland, or hear the account of 
England's treatment of the Irish, without exaspe- 
ration — without his blood boiling within him. We 
cannot wonder that the Irish people, at these 
various critical periods of their history, did not 
look up to any one, for they were cheated almost 

* Lord Castlereagh was, at its origin, a member of the Society of 
United Irishmen, and drank the republican toasts of the day. 


by every body. They have still, however to look 
up to the principles which honest statesmen have 
acted on — which their own truest patriots have 
held by — which the country has tried; — those 
of a free constitution, and a limited monarchy. 
" Liberty with England — if England is so dis- 
posed, but at all events — Liberty."* 

* Words of Mr. Grattan, in 1782. 



Mr. Grattan. — Birth and Family. — Connexion with Dean Swift. — 
Letter to Lord-Lieutenant: and remarks on the Grattans. — Fe- 
male Branch of the Marlays. — Sir John Marlay. — Fidelity to 
Charles I. — His grandson Chief Justice of Ireland. — Acquaintance 
with Lord Chesterfield. — Letter from Sons of the Chief Justice. — 
Bishop of Waterford and Colonel Marlay — their attachment to 
Ireland. — Intimacy of the latter with Mr. Grattan. — Mr. Grattan's 
education in Dublin. — Enters College. — His Contemporaries. — 
Letters to his friend Broome, — August 1765, June 1766. — Death 
of his Father. — 1767 goes to the Middle Temple. — Letters to 
Broome, November, 1767. — Death of his Sister. — Letter to 
Broome, January, 1768. — Goes to Windsor Forest, February, 1768. 
— His love for the country. — Anecdote relating thereto. — Remarks 
on Mr. Hutchinson.— Letter to Robert Day, March, 1768. — To 
Broome, March, 1768. — To Day, May, 1768. — Acquaintance with 
Fitzgibbon. — Letter to Broome, May 1 768. — Debates in the English 
Parliament — Remarks on Burke — on Grenville — on Macaulay 
Boyd. — Letter to Broome, August, 1768. — Remarks on English 
Historians, Clarendon, Burnet, and Bolingbroke. 

The date of Mr. Grattan's birth is indicated by 
the following entry in the registry of baptism in 
St. John's parish, Dublin : — " Henry, son of James 
and Mary Grattan, 3rd of July, 1746." His father 
was for many years recorder of, and member for, 
the city of Dublin ; he was elected to the latter 
situation in 1761, and served till 1766, when he 
died. His official station he discharged with 




great honesty and diligence. He was the legal 
adviser of the corporation, and proposed some laws 
regarding them, but which were in their nature nar- 
row and arbitrary. His personal character was 
respected ; he was well read in law, and his opinions 
were held to be sound. His principles were 
aristocratic. He fancied himself a Whig in poli- 
tics, but he was in fact a Tory. His sentiments 
on Poyning's law, and on the pension bill — ques- 
tions which at that time occupied the public mind 
— were of a courtly nature ; and on the subject of 
the octennial bill he differed from the popular party, 
and from Dr. Lucas, who was his colleague and 
his opponent, and with whom he was in perpetual 
collision, the Recorder being the legal adviser and 
champion of the corporation, and Dr. Lucas their 
untired, undaunted, and unceasing enemy. 

To the Recorder, who was a bad speaker, irrit- 
able in his temper, and deficient in powers of 
argument, Dr. Lucas was a source of great an- 
noyance, for he had the people on his side ; 
which, in a capital city, the seat of legislature, 
had considerable weight, both within and with- 
out the doors of the House of Commons : and 
though inferior to his colleague in sound under- 
standing, yet, by his popular principles, joined to 
an easy temper and an engaging deportment, he 
gained a seeming victory over his adversary. 
These petty contests were suffered to prey upon 



a mind over anxious and very sensitive, so as to 
embitter, if not to shorten, the remainder of the 
Recorder's days. 

Patrick Grattan, the great-grand-father of Henry, 
was senior fellow of the University, near Dublin, 
and in 1669 married a Miss Brereton, whose 
family resided within a few miles of that city, and 
who enjoyed in the county of Cavan a portion of 
the forfeited lands held by patent from Charles II. 
Of this marriage there were several children, the 
eldest of whom, Henry, succeeded to his father's 
property in that county. He intermarried with 
the family of the Flemyngs, and was said to have 
had considerable influence there. He was small 
in stature, but remarkably well made, and pos- 
sessed of great spirit. His name is still remem- 
bered, and it is related of him that " he was the 
stoutest and shortest man, who wore the longest 

The individual just referred to was very active 
in pursuing the Tories and Rapparees, who were 
outlawed, and were then infesting the neighbour- 
hood. His residence was at Garryross, adjoining 
the Lake Virginia, and not far from Quilca, the 
seat of Dr. Sheridan, where Dean Swift used to 
resort, and where originated the intimacy that 
subsisted between the Dean and the Grattan fa- 
mily. But the Dean's more intimate friends were 
James, a doctor of physic, John, a clergyman, 




Charles, whom he calls " the Critic," master of 
the school at Enniskillen, and Richard, who was 
knighted, and Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1735. 

In a letter to Dr. Sheridan, dated September 
in that year, (1735,) the Dean, writes — " Yes- 
terday was the going out of the last Lord Mayor, 
and to-day is the coming in of the new, who is 
Alderman Grattan ? The Duke(Dorset) wasatboth, 
but I thought it enough to go to-day, and I came 
away before six, with very little meat or drink." 

The regard the Dean of St. Patrick's entertained 
for this family appears in his letters to the Duke 
of Dorset (then Lord Lieutenant), Lady Betty 
Germain, Dr. Sheridan, and Mr. Charles Ford. 
In a letter to Lady Betty Germain, (1736,) 
he writes—" I went and told my Lord Duke that 
there was a certain family here called the Grat- 
tans, and that they could command ten thou- 
sand men. Two of them are parsons (as you 
Whigs call them) ; another is Lord Mayor of this 
city, and was knighted by his Grace a month or 
two ago ; but there is a cousin of theirs who is 
a Grattan, though his name be John Jackson, as 
worthy a clergyman as any in this kingdom." 

Again, in a letter to the Duke of Dorset, he 
writes in the following jocose style : — 

Dublin, Dec. 30, 1735. 

My Lord, 

Your Grace fairly owes me one hundred and ten pounds 
a-year in the church, which I thus prove : I desired you 




would bestow a preferment of one hundred and fifty pounds 
a-year to a certain clergyman. Your answer was, that T 
asked modestly ; that you would not promise, but grant 
my request. However, for want of good intelligence in be- 
ing (after a cant word used here) an expert kingfisher, that 
clergyman took up with forty pounds a-year, and I shall 
never trouble your Grace any more on his behalf. Now 
by plain arithmetic it follows that one hundred and ten 
pounds remain, and this arrear I have assigned to one 
Mr. John Jackson, a cousin germ an of the Grattans, who 
is vicar of Santry, and has a small estate, with two sons 
and as many daughters, all grown up. He has lain some 
years as a weight upon me, which I voluntarily took up on 
account of his virtue, piety, and good sense, and modesty 
almost to a fault. Mr. Jackson is condemned to live on 
his own small estate, part whereof is in his parish about 
four miles from hence, where he has built a family house 
more expensive than he intended. He is a clergyman of 
long standing, and of a most unblemished character, but 
the misfortune is, he has not one enemy to whom I might 
appeal for the truth of what I say. " 

It does not appear that the Dean was successful 
in this application ; but Mr. Jackson's relations 
evinced their sense of his merit, and left his family 
legacies to a considerable amount. 

The female branch from which Mr. Grattan is 
descended was of the Marlay family, of French 
extraction.* The family of De Merly came over 
with William the Conqueror. Mr. Grattan's 
mother was Mary Marlay, daughter of Thomas, 

* See Dugdale, and Brooks' Baronetage 




(Chief Justice of Ireland,) who was grandson of 
Sir John Marlay, one of the Royalists in 1640. The 
latter took an active part in the civil wars in England, 
and was mayor of Newcastle — which town he held 
for the king against the parliamentary army. 
Being summoned by the Earl of Leven, who com- 
manded the Scottish army, October, 1644, he 
replied he would not betray his trust, or forfeit his 
allegiance or his honour, and that he would hazard 
his life and fortune in the cause. The town was 
taken by storm, and the resistance he made was 
so spirited, that he nearly fell a victim to the fury 
and exasperation of the enemy. The General was 
obliged to place a guard of soldiers at his house to 
protect him. He was returned in the list of the 
principal persons to be sent to London to stand 
their trial, and is termed " that atheistical mayor 
and governor of the town, a most pestilent and 
desperate malignant, and enemy to all goodness." 
Such was the fanaticism of the times ! He was 
known by the appellation of the rich knight ; but 
he lost three sons, and all his fortune, and was 
excepted out of the act of amnesty by Cromwell. 
However he stipulated that his life should be spared, 
and so far succeeded in making terms with the 
Usurper. Afterwards, when Charles II. was re- 
stored, ancient services, as is too often the case 
with most princes, were forgotten, and his family 
remained unrewarded. 

Sir John Marlay \s son, Anthony, was appointed 


captain in the Duke of Ormond's regiment in Ire- 
land, in the year 1677. On his voyage thither, 
with his regiment, he was attacked by a French 
vessel, when lying ill in his hammock, un- 
able to do duty. But he caused himself to be 
raised up, and carried to the head of his men, 
they succeeded in driving off the French as- 
sailant ; and on his descending from the deck he 
found that a cannon ball had gone through his 
hammock ! This may be recorded as a striking 
instance of good fortune attending the performance 
of an act of duty. 

Thomas, grandson of the above, was appointed 
Solicitor-General in 1725; he afterwards became 
Chief Baron of the Exchequer, and lastly Chief 
Justice of Ireland. He was a man of learning and 
of taste, of considerable talent, high integrity, and 
possessed a strong sense of humour. He was also 
a man of great personal courage, and a very expert 
swordsman. Being attacked once, coming out of 
a coffee-house with a party of his friends, he was 
obliged to fight his way. He wore a long sword, on 
which was stamped the twelve apostles ; possibly 
it was an heir-loom in the family, from the 
period of Charles and Cromwell. He ran his 
opponent through the body ; but the individual 
recovered, and meeting the judge a long time after, 
he observed that his lordship did not know he was 
the person whom he had run through the body. 
The judge replied that "he had got the benefit of 

d 2 




the trial by jury, and the twelve allowed him to 

This personage was not a great lawyer. He 
had been educated in England, and his mind was 
perfectly English. He was more of an English 
Whig, than an Irish patriot. He had been kept in 
the back-ground in the reign of Queen Anne ; but 
rose quickly under George I. Obliged to admi- 
nister a code of laws the most oppressive and 
tyrannical, he yet conducted himself with high 
principle, and acknowledged justice ; though he 
was far from escaping censure ; and Dr. Lucas in 
his writings, attacks him for his charge in 1750 to 
the Grand Jury of Dublin, who had presented 
several of the works of that bold and spirited vic- 
tim of oppression. Dr. Lucas was mistaken in 
this ; inasmuch as the House of Commons had 
directed the prosecution. Nothing could excuse 
their conduct; and if any palliation existed for 
that of the Chief Justice, in giving in charge those 
writings which defended liberty and laid the first 
groundwork of Irish freedom, it was to be found 
in the temper of the times, as well as in the habit 
of studying and enforcing principles that were 
arbitrary and tyrannical. 

Notwithstanding the disadvantages of a provin- 
cial education, the Judge possessed some good 
Irish feeling, a quality in those days not of fre- 
quent occurrence. On one occasion, it became 
necessary to apply for an act of parliament to en- 
able him to dispose of some of his property ; and 



strange to say it was much less expensive, and 
easier to obtain it, in England than in Ireland. He 
was advised, therefore, to apply to the British 
Parliament; but he refused, — declaring that it 
would be a lasting reflection on an Irishman to 
apply for a British act to regulate property in Ire- 
land. Such was the sentiment that, in later and 
more auspicious times, influenced his illustrious 
descendant, and communicated itself from the 
breast of Henry Grattan, till it embraced, in 1782, 
the entire population of the kindom. 

The Judge was in habits of intimacy with Lord 
Chesterfield, then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, who 
greatly valued his friendship, and on leaving Ire- 
land, he addressed the following letter to the Chief 
Justice. The humor and morality are quite cha- 
racteristic of that celebrated personage. 


London, January 1, 1747. 

My Lord, 

The favour of your letter gave me a pleasure which noue 
but those who love and honour you as I do would feel as 
I did ; and though I am conscious that I do not deserve 
the kind things you say, I am sincere enough to own that 
I am extremely pleased with your saying them. To love 
flattery in general, and indifferently from all, is the weakness 
of a little and proud mind ; but to like flattery only for the 
sake of the flatterer when that flatterer himself deserves 
more praise than he bestows, is in my mind at wor st buta 




frailty, and a very pardonable one too : as the woman who 
likes the lover only for the sake of the love is a prostitute • 
but she who yields to the love only for the sake of the 
lover seems to me to be very pardonably frail, and I would 
even prefer that tender feeling to some rugged virtues. 
Considering our natures there is an equity in this decision 
of mine, which I should think my friend the Lord Chan- 
cellor must approve of; but whether the rigour of the King's 
Bench will allow it or not, your Lordship is the best judge. 

Considering the common notions of the Public, which (by 
the way) are commonly erroneous, it would to most peo- 
ple look like affectation to say that I am with regret forced 
out of an agreeable and pleasing situation into a laborious 
and anxious one ; but an idler of Celbridge Abbey, I 
should think, may enter into my way of reasoning, and be- 
lieve it possible for me to prefer otium cum dignitate, even 
tho' cum securitate, and T can with truth assure your Lord- 
ship that my present destination does not prevent me from 
thinking of my last, both with affection and regret. 

The week after next I will send your neighbour the 
Archbishop of Cashell some apricock-trees,* which I pro- 
mised him when I had the pleasure to dine with him at 
Celbridge. I send him enough, in hopes and confidence 
that he will help his neighbours. They are of the true Brus- 
sels kind, and in my opinion a most excellent fruit. My 
only apprehension as to the success of your share of them, 
arises from that amorous violence which Mrs. Annaf some- 
times offers you, which I heard you once complain of in a 
sorrowing manner ; and how your Lordship will escape her 
attacks I do not know. 

Let me conclude this letter, too long by far, with the 
common compliments of the season, but with this (I assure 

* The old spelling— See Shakspeare. 

f The Chief Justice's wife Anna De Laune. 




you) very uncommon truth : May you see many more years 
in good health : and then your good head and your good 
heart secures 'em happy. 

Dii tibi dent annos, de te nam caetera sumes, 
I am with the utmost esteem, 

Your Lordship's most faithful and 
Obedient servant, 

Pray make my best compliments to all your family. I 
reckon Mrs. Connolly of that number. 

To the Right Hon. the Lord Chief Justice Marlay. 

The Chief Justice had several children. His 
eldest son Anthony sat in the Irish Parliament for 
a short time, but died young. Thomas was a colonel 
in the service of George II., and served under Prince 
Ferdinand at the celebrated battle of Minden. He 
was remarkable for coolness and bravery, and 
displayed courage to excess. Heading the Bri- 
tish infantry, which he commanded, he withstood 
the repeated shocks of the enemy, and observing 
the fire of his men to make less execution than he 
desired, he sheathed his sword, and laid his cane 
across their firelocks, to make them aim with 
greater effect. At length they routed the enemy, 
and cut to pieces the flower of the French cavalry. 
He was wounded in that action, and was presented 
with a sword, on which were marked in letters of 
gold, " Warranted never to fail." He possessed 
an excellent understanding, great spirit, and high 
principles. He lived retired at Marlay Abbey, 




about ten miles from Dublin, on the banks of the 
LifTey ; that spot which had been the abode of the 
celebrated and unfortunate Vanessa, the friend 
and victim of Swift. Though not in Parliament, he 
took part in the affairs of his country, and recom- 
mended and supported the measures pursued by 
the volunteers in 1780 and 1782. He also aided 
the independent body in the House of Commons, 
in their struggles on behalf of the liberties of their 

It was on the spot just alluded to, and under 
that encouragement, amidst the walks and bowers 
which Swift and Vanessa have consecrated, that 
Henry Grattan planned his measures for the inde- 
pendence of Ireland ; there too he meditated 
those matchless pieces of eloquence, and those 
powerful harangues, which roused the nation to 
a sense of her sufferings and her dignity, till her 
demands became irresistible. So high was the 
opinion Mr. Grattan entertained of Colonel Mar- 
lay's understanding, that he always consulted 
him ; and when he was attacked for his violence, 
as it was then called, and when complaints were 
sent from England of the extremes that he seemed 
to advance towards — when Burke even wrote over 
to " stop that madman Grattan" — Colonel Marlay 
encouraged and advised him to persevere. 

After the success of 1782, when his friends pro- 
posed to move for a grant of one hundred thou- 
sand pounds, he determined to refuse it ; and 



when Mr. Bagenal moved for fifty thousand 
pounds to be settled on him, Mr. Grattan went to 
Colonel Marlay, and stated that he would decline 
to accept it. But his uncle dissuaded him from 
his intention, and strongly recommended him to 
accept the sum, representing to him that while he 
remained a lawyer he must still be dependent ; 
that his exertions on behalf of Ireland would be 
not only limited, but liable to misconstruction, if 
he ever accepted office, or if he did not take this 
opportunity of securing a perfect independence. 

The other son of the Chief Justice, was Richard, 
Bishop of Clonfert, and afterwards of Waterford. 
He was remarkable for his wit and humour, and 
also for his literary talents. He lived much in 
the society of Lord Charlemont, and formed one 
of the gay circle that in those days adorned the 
city of Dublin. He composed well, and wrote a 
prologue for the private theatricals at Carton, (the 
seat of the Duke of Leinster,) a humorous comedy, 
which however was never published, and also 
some amusing pieces of poetry. He sat in Par- 
liament at the period of the Union, and possessed 
the feelings of an Irishman, for he voted and en- 
tered his protest against that measure. 




Mr. Grattan's first school. — A pedagogue. — School anecdote. — His 
school-fellows. — Malones, Hussey Burgh, and Mr. Canning. -— 
Attacked by illness. — Peep-o-day boys. — Mr. Marlay to Mr. Grat- 
tan. — Mr. Grattan enters college. — His intimates there. — Forster, 
Macauley, Boyd, Robert Day, Dr. Doyle, John Fitzgibbon. — Mr. 
Broome. — Gloomy tendency of Mr. Grattan's mind. — His political 
opinions — opposed to those of his father. — Mr. Grattan's patri- 
mony. — Unkind treatment by his father. — Letters. — Mr. Grattan 
to Mr. Broome — His state of mind described — His love of the 
country and solitude — - His studies — Changes of feeling — His 
strong friendship for Broome — His opinions of Lord Bolingbroke, 
Virgil, and Pope. 

There were but three distinguished schools in 
Dublin, to one of which — that of Mr. Ball's, in 
Great Ship-street, the quarter where the lawyers 
chiefly resided — Mr. Grattan was sent. Mr. 
Fitzgibbon, (afterwards Lord Clare,) the political 
opponent of Mr. Grattan, was also at this school, 
and was a good scholar ; he knew science and 
the classics well, but he discovered no traits of 
genius or of taste. 



An occurrence took place at this school which 
caused Mr. Grattan to leave it, and which indi- 
cated the spirit that he possessed. The master 
was not a very superior scholar, and he ruled his 
pupils by fear more than anything else. Attired 
in a large wig and loose cloak, he frightened the 
boys by his air of authority. It was Henry 
Grattan's turn to translate a passage from Ovid's 
Metamorphoses, where Phoebus asks his father for 
his horses, and replies — 

M Nescius affectas, placeat sibi quisque licebit ; 
Non tamen ignifero quisquam consistere in axe 
Me valet excepto." 

It happened that the Recorder was extremely proud 
of his knowledge of the classics, and had read the 
passage with his son, who gave his father's transla- 
tion. Ball denied its correctness, taxed Grattan 
with being a stupid boy, and ordered him to go 
down on his knees before the entire class, and 
desired the servant to tell him, in their presence 
that he was a very idle boy. The servant, who 
seemed to possess more good sense and feeling 
than the master, declined the office. This circum- 
stance weighed upon the mind of the pupil, and, 
indignant at the tyranny of his tutor, he at last 
insisted on leaving the school. I have heard him 
repeat this anecdote with great good humour. He 
afterwards went to Mr. Young's school, in Abbey- 
street, where the Malones and Hussey Burgh had 




been educated, and where he met with Mr. 
Canning, uncle to the celebrated George Canning. 
Several of the contemporaries of Mr. Grattan, who 
were at this school, have told me that he was con- 
sidered a boy of great spirit and was highly 
respected by his school-fellows. 

In 1763 he was attacked by severe illness, which 
affected him for a considerable time, and which 
returned again at the most trying period of his life, 
when he was arranging the political measures with 
Lord Charlemont in 1782. On this occasion his 
uncle, Richard Marlay, wrote to him as follows : — 

col. marlay to mr. grattan. 

Dear Harry, 
By this time I imagine you can form a judgment of your 
new medicines, which I hope have had the desired effect, 
and have made a more severe operation unnecessary. I 
hope to hear from you soon, and to be informed of their 

The part of the country where I live, is so retired that 
no news of any kind reaches us ; even the actions of the 
Oak-Boys, # who are only fifteen miles from us are not 
known here, till Faulkner celebrates them in his annals. 

* These men rose against high rents, and proceeded to acts of great 
outrage. They gave birth to a succession of parties and factions, who, 
under different names — " Hearts of steel," " Peep of day Boys,"' 
&c. &c. — appeared afterwards at various periods of the Irish history. 
They rose against rents, and tithes, and low prices of labour, which they 
sought to regulate. Landlords seemed almost to forget that there were 




Yet this solitude has lately been honoured with the 
presence of Lady Jane Courtney, Lord Bute's sister. This 
lady in her person and manners, is extremely like Mrs. 
Spring, a friend of Mrs. Levinge.* She is lodged in a 
wretched house on the sea-shore. The people where she 
lived told me they u believed she was never good, egg or 
bird," and that " she was so nice and tasty, that she would 
never put a bit in her mouth unless it was dressed by her 
Scotch cook." 

I pass my time here in walking and reading. On Sun- 
day 1 preach to a large congregation of beggars. The 
same day I dine with one of my parishioners, in a very 
small cabin, scarcely large enough to contain the dinner* 
which consists of provisions sufficient for a sea-voyage. 
The company at these entertainments are very select. 

Remember me to Mr. and Mrs. Grattan, and all the 

I am, dear Harry, 

Your's affectionately, &c. 

R. Mar lay. 

Tullymore, 30th July, 17G3. 

duties as well as rights that belonged to them, and which they ought in 
fairness equally to observe. The legislature passed such severe acts to 
restrain these lawless proceedings, that Mr. Young, in his u Tour in 
Ireland," describes them as more fitted for the meridian of Barbary than 
a free country. They wholly failed in their effect, and many of the Oak 
Boys were brought up to Dublin, tried, and acquitted. These violent 
proceedings, at a much later period, were extended to the payment of 
tithes — the price and letting of land — to uphold what is termed "a 
tenant's right" and prevent ejection from their farms. The want of 
manufactures, and the extinction of the various and useful trades arising 
therefrom, had thrown the people upon the only manufacture which 
remained, (as it could not be taken away) — namely that of the soil ; and 
to this the Irish peasantry adhere with a desperate and a surprising 

* Aunt to Mr. Grattan 




In 1763 Mr. Grattan entered Dublin college, 
where he became acquainted with Foster, after- 
wards Speaker of the House of Commons, Ma- 
cauley, Boyd, Robert Day, Mr. Irwine, Mr. Doyle, 
and John Fitzgibbon, afterwards Earl of Clare. 
Both he and Mr. Fitzgibbon discovered great 
abilities, and both obtained the high prizes of 
the University. Mr. Grattan's most intimate friend 
at this period was Mr. Broome. This gentleman 
was a good classical scholar, and possessed a great 
taste for poetry; a general similarity of dispo- 
sition, a love of literature, and an ardent attach, 
ment to the country and rural scenery, (which 
latter with Mr. Grattan was a passion,) were the 
chief grounds of their intimacy. Mr. Broome 
was at that time a cornet in the army ; and though 
a military life did not favour the muses, yet he 
evinced a taste that found a response in the mind 
of Mr. Grattan, and a long correspondence ensued, 
which continued while Mr. Grattan was at the 
Temple, and till after the period of 1782. 

From this gentleman I was fortunate enough to 
obtain many letters, some of which are here in- 
serted. They show a gloomy tendency of mind 
at this period of Mr. Grattan's life, occasioned 
probably in a great degree by the manner of his 
father, and perhaps increased by the difference in 
political opinions that, even at so early a period, 
subsisted between them. The Tory principles of 
the latter were ill suited to the ardent and patrio- 




tic sentiments of his son, who was an admirer of 
the principles of Dr. Lucas, and of the public 
questions that he espoused, all of which did not 
accord with the opinions of his father, to whom 
Dr. Lucas was in perpetual opposition. 

The patrimony Mr. Grattan inherited was small, 
and had been secured by settlement, so that it was 
beyond the reach of his father's anger ; but he 
left from him the paternal mansion, which had 
been in the family for upwards of a century. This 
act of unkindness, for which there was no suffi- 
cient cause, and which could only be traced to 
the waywardness of his father's disposition, and 
his singular character, excited in the breast of 
the son the most unhappy feelings ; not for the 
loss of fortune, (which was never expected to be 
great,) but the want of affection of his parent 
wounded the son in the tenderest and most sen- 
sitive part. The feeling of melancholy to which 
I have alluded, as prevailing in Mr. Grattan 's 
mind at this early period of his life, will be found 
to recur frequently in the subsequent letters to 
his most intimate friend. 


Dunleer, August, 1765. 

Dear Broome, 
I take the pen with shame and diffidence, conscious of 
almost deserting a correspondence which, next your com- 
pany, has been my principal consolation among a thousand 
shocks either real or imaginary. I tremble to address the 


man whom I have provoked by not visiting, and aggravated 
my crime by not writing to. Excuses are generally insipid, 
as they are often insincere, but I should be beyond all re- 
covery if I were to neglect you so long, and make no apo- 
logy : this would be professing my errors as my principles : 
an excuse makes them appear as my infirmities. 

You complain in your last letter about languor of body 
and disquietude of mind. I fear you contribute to both ; 
a persuasion of being indisposed continues your indisposi- 
tion, as a persuasion that your complaint cannot be cured, 
will not suffer you to search for a cure. I advise as if I 
were entitled to it ; but alas, there is no man more overrun 
with rust than I am. I deal in doctrine, not in practice, 
and enforce the precepts I maintain by affording an example 
of the follies I decry. 

If you want my company I am sure I want yours. A 
fluctuation of sentiment, a listless indolence, and the 
gloomy reflections that arise from it, make the chaos of 
my mind. But of this no more. A man who is not happy 
finds his principal comfort in painting his disquietude. 

You are much, I hear, with Mr. St. Leger. # He is a 
man of understanding ; but his wit, they say, sports about 
like a wild beast that terrifies, not entertains. I am at 
Foster's,! at Dunleer. His son and I are in college ; the 
family are agreeable, the neighbourhood social, and the 
country pretty. I have been three days here and have 
taken the opportunity when the family retired to bed to 
write to you ; there is something so pensive and solemn in 
the midnight hour, that I should prefer it above all for the 
purpose of writing, especially to you to whom the tattle of 

* Afterwards member of the Irish parliament. 

f Father of John Foster, Speaker of the House of Commons and 
Chancellor of the Exchequer, 




the day I should be ashamed to relate. Farewell, my 
good friend, and write to me soon, that you may not 
justify me by your imitation. Yrs. 

H. Grattan. 

Cornet Broome, 

Bruff, Limerick. 


June, lTGVi. 

Dear Broome, 
I am sorry that you always justify every neglect on my 
part by imitating it on yours : if I neglect answering your 
letter, you, by a greater neglect, make an excuse un- 
necessary, and always absolve me by your example. The 
death of my father, I suppose you have heard of. In 
the greatest agony of body, in the extremest distraction 
of mind, unexpectedly and impatiently he expired. I am 
determined upon the first occasion to retire with you to 
some country lodging, where we may enjoy one another's 
society, poverty, and independency. I am at present as 
retired as possible — perfectly unconcerned about the time 
to come — very little concerned about the time present, — 
melancholy and contemplative, yet not studious. I write 
this letter from Bellcamp, where I have been these three 
days without any of the family, and where I intend to 
continue some days longer in the same solitude. I employ 
myself writing, reading, courting the muse, and taking 
leave of that place where I am a guest, not an owner, and 
of which I shall now cease to be a spectator. I tell myself 
by way of consolation, that happiness is not the gift of any 
one spot, however ancient and native, — "est Ulubris, 
animus si te non deficit cequus ;" and that wherever I shall 
go the muse and your friendship shall accompany me. 





Perhaps the time may come when fortune "palre valentior" 
may smile on me, and shall enable my old age to resign my 
breath where I first received it. Farewell ; 'tis too late to 
continue my epistle ; I am invited to the wood by the wood- 
quest, the thrush, and every circumstance that attends the 
evening. I shall walk there for an hour, borrow aid from 
imagination, and return, preferring the solitude of my 
situation to the sport, the bustle, or even the opulence of 
that of my acquaintance. 

Yrs. ever, 

H. Grattan. 


April 23rd, 1767. 

Dear Broome, 
You see I am vain of excelling you in punctuality. I wish 
you had the same pride not to be outdone in it. Your com- 
plaints remain to me a mystery ; to be in a place where 
contemplation may visit, if you choose to court her — a place 
where love is not entirely a stranger — where you have no 
duns, and though no great superfluity of money, no fre- 
quent demands for it, is a situation not very deplorable, 
particularly to a man whose application is not compelled 
to insipid folios, and whose relish for present health has 
not been sated by past enjoyment. If your mind languishes, 
apply to reason — if your body, to a physician ; and if each 
contract infirmities from one another, you must unite the 
remedies I speak of. I dwell the more on this, as I have 
perceived dissipation in your letters and incoherency in 
your language. A decay may be the consequence of the 
indolent maladies you mention. Remember, principiis 
obsta, is a maxim common to health as well as politics. 
I received a letter from Macauley ; he gives an account 




of Lord Chatham, whose eloquence has gone beyond his 
expectations, unbounded as they were ; he gives me a short 
account of Mr. Townsend, asks for his friends, at the head 
of whom he places you, and omits nothing unless it be to 
speak of himself; that topic he passes over with an insinu- 
ation of his idleness. I fear diligence and economy, the 
only legacies his father left him, neither measure the time 
or the expences of Macauley, and I begin to be convinced 
that fortune must be a better friend to him than ever he 
will be to himself, in order that our old schoolfellow may- 
prosper. Fortune first encouraged him to exert himself 
by prosperity — she then stimulated him by distress — she 
must now work a miracle in his favour. 

The compositions you demand of me are incorrect and 
illegible. My muse is at best but a slattern, and stum- 
bles frequently in her passage. She visits me but seldom, 
and her productions are rather the effort of mind 
than the nature of it. When her works are polished and 
rendered legible they shall be sent to you. 

I hope to spend some time with you before T leave Ire- 
land. My impatience to visit England is very moderate. 
I am not interested, and of course have no anxiety. I have 
indolence, which makes me at least careless if not happy ; 
the rapture of boyhood I have done with, but then I am 
also free from the agony of it. This apathy is a certain 
security against perfection or happiness, but, it is true, it is 
a barrier against misery or depravity. The riding house I 
visit punctually, and find great pleasure in the exercise. 

Irwin, the relict of our old knot, spends many hours with 
me. Fancy sometimes visits me, and presents the remainder 
of our intimates; she flatters me with some future day 
when we shall centre in the same retirement; when lan- 
guor of body and created imps of the understanding will 
not oppress you ; when idleness and distress will not dissi- 

e 2 




pate Macauley, and when the murmurs of conscious indo- 
lence will not agitate me. You will say, vanitas et stultitia 

Farewell ; answer me soon. 

H. Grattan. 


Dublin, Thursday, May 7t7i, 1767. 

Dear Broome, 
There was a time when I felt with every book I read, 
and every line I wrote. There was sometimes a pain, but 
more frequently a rapture, in that exquisite sensibilit}'. 
But, alas, that time is no more. We hardly find objects 
to engage us when we lose our relish for them — hardly find 
expression to convey our sentiment, when that sentiment 
freezes. Thus it is we are for ever precluded from per- 
fect happiness ; relish and opportunity never go together, 
and it is the punishment of man to mourn the want of the 
latter, or to be insensible to it. However, this feeling, that 
sleeps upon other occasions, awakens when I write to you. 
I can read the most beautiful authors, behold the most 
delightful landscape, without emotion, but I cannot write 
to you without a warmth of sentiment. I know what you 
will infer from thence ; you will tell me I have no merit 
in punctuality, since it is indulgence. I anticipate your 
inference, to prevent it. 

Lord Bolingbroke is most superior as a reasoner and an 
orator. I read him constantly ; he overbears all opposition, 
and engages the reason and the passions on his side. 

You told me in one letter you studied Virgil : continue 
it ; elegance and harmony are his property ; he has also 
fire, imagination, and a vast glow of poetry. Pope, I 




hope, is not forgot by you, when poetry is your study. If 
I were to speak with the mob of readers, I should hold 
him as a minor author; if I were to speak as I felt, I 
should equal him to the first. He has correctness and 
elegance superior to any author, and I think I can point 
out passages where he is no less sublime. 

To lend the money is not the least inconvenience to me; 
on the contrary, your application to any one else, for the 
sum I could supply, I should have esteemed an injury to 
me.* You may depend on having it before the time you 
have limited. 

I shall be sure to visit you, and intend to study Virgil 
and Pope and other authors with you that wear the 

H. Grattan. 

* This was to purchase a commission, which Mr. Broome afterwards 





Retrospect of Irish History. — Cromwell's Invasion, and the Restoration. 
— No Parliament. — Certain Hereditary Revenues absolutely in the 
King. — Parliament with the People in the reign of George III. — Lord 
Sydney's Protest. — Duke of Dorset. — Arbitrary seizure of Revenue 
1753. — Private Council originate Money-Bills. — Lord Sydney, 1692. 
— Lord Townsend. — Violent proceedings. — Parliament Dissolved. — 
Anthony Malone, honest Chancellor of Exchequer. — His conduct and 
character. — Papist Relief Bill in 1769. — First concession to the 
Catholics. — Lost in England. — Foresight of Malone. — Lord Halifax's 
Government. — Poyning's Law. — Primate Stone. — Malone removed 
from office — unjust accusation against him. — His personal appear- 
ance. — Lord Pery. — Summary of Malone's character. — Irish politics 
in 1753. — First symptom of public feeling. — Rejection of the Money- 
Bill. — Ineffectual struggle. — Irish Judges made independent. — Abuse 
of Pensions. — Irish remonstrance. — Letters of Mr. Pitt and the Duke 
of Bedford. 

After the death of Lord Strafford, in May 1641, 
and the breaking out of the civil wars on the 23rd 
of October following, parliament did not assemble 
till March, 1647, and only sat until June, 1648. 
Pending Cromwell's invasion, and the Restora- 
tion, it did not meet. In May, 1661, it assembled, 
and then voted the Quit rents to the Crown, as a 
compensation for the forfeited lands ; the Hearth- 




money tax, as an equivalent for the Abolition of 
the Court of Wards ; and the Hereditary Revenue 
of Customs and Excise, in consideration of the 
Act of Settlement and Explanation. This was 
voted to the King and his successors for ever ; so 
that the disposal of this Hereditary Revenue was 
vested absolutely in the King, — his letter and seal 
being the only Authority for using it. 

Having thus parted with their power, the Parlia- 
ment became extinct, and from 1666 they did not 
assemble for near thirty years. They met after the 
Revolution in 1 (>92, in the fourth year of William 
III. and did nothing until they began to incorporate 
with the people in the reign of George III. In 
1GD2 they made an effort at display of public 
spirit, on the subject of a Money Bill, but were 
quickly suppressed by the Protest and Prorogation 
of the deputy Lord Sydney, when the opinion of 
the twelve judges in England, and of the eight 
judges in Ireland, were given seriatim against the 
rights of Ireland. 

In 1753, under the Duke of Dorset, the Parlia- 
ment made another attempt respecting the sur- 
plus in the treasury, and there the strong hand of 
power arrested its infantine efforts, and the re- 
venues of the state were arbitrarily seized on and 
appropriated by the executive.* 

* " The flames in Ireland are stifled — I cannot say extinguished — by 
adjourning the Parliament, which is prorogued. A catalogue of dimen- 
sions was sent over thither, but the Lord Lieutenant durst not venture to 




The altering money bills was long a vexata ques- 
tio in Ireland, and the House of Commons had 
uniformly resisted this encroachment on their right. 
Primate Boulter, in his letters in 1729, writes to 
the Duke of Newcastle, and states the great op- 
position then made to the alteration of a money 
bill : — " many members will be for losing the 
bill rather than agreeing to the alterations." 

The originating of money bills in the Privy 
Council was another just and still greater ground 
of complaint. In 1892 the Irish Commons had 
rejected a money-bill, and had assigned as a rea- 
son that it originated in the Privy Council. Lord 
Sydney, who was then Lord Lieutenant, sent a 
protest against this to the House of Lords, deny- 
ing the right of the Commons, and asserting as he 
terms it the prerogative of the King,— and then pro- 
rogued the Parliament. This was the precedent 
for the course adopted in 1769 by Lord Townsend 
when he dissolved the Parliament, and resorted 
to the same violent proceedings ; and this was the 
measure selected at the outset of the reign, to 
characterize the administration of Lord Halifax by 

put them in execution. The style towards that island is extremely lofty, 
and after some faint proposals of giving them some agreeable governor, 
violent measures have been resumed. The Speaker (Henry Boyle), is 
removed from being Chancellor of the Exchequer ; more of his friends 
are displaced, and the Primate, with the Chancellor, and Lord Bes- 
borough, again nominated Lord Justices. These measures must oppress 
the Irish spirit, or what is more natural, inflame it to despair."— Wat- 
pole's Letters to Sir H, Mann. 


a gross invasion of the rights of the House of 

A money-bill originating in the Privy Council 
was proposed in the first session of Parliament, in 
17C0, against the advice of Anthony Malone, who 
had in private sought to dissuade Government 
from such a measure, — conceiving it to be con- 
trary to law, and the constitutional rights of the 
House of Commons. Malone was then Chancel- 
lor of the Exchequer, and for his honest opinion 
he was dismissed from office, and Mr. Hutchinson, 
who supported the bill, was created Sergeant, 
with an additional salary of 500/. a-year. This, 
however, was found to be illegal, and he resigned 
it, — but got a sinecure place — that of Alnager, — a 
patent place with 1000/. a-year salary. The bill 
passed and the money was granted. This was the 
first unconstitutional proceeding, and Malone's 
was the first penalty paid at the outset of the 
reign for a virtuous attachment to the rights of 
the people. 

Anthony Malone was a conspicuous character 
in the history of his country. He was prime Ser- 
geant in 1753, in the Vice-royalty of the Duke of 
Dorset ; he sat for the county of Westmeath in 
the Parliament of 1757, and was Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, in 17G0. He had the best understand- 
ing of the age, and the most benign person ; a 
clear head and a sound judgment; an eloquence 
graceful and abundant ; great general ability ; and 




a dignity that attracted, not repelled. His intel- 
lect was perhaps superior to that of any man of his 
day ; — in fact he and Lord Pery were the only men 
of that time. He was in office at the period of the 
altered money-bill of 1753, and voted on the 17th 
December against the Court, in the celebrated 
majority of 122 against 117 on the question of the 
"previous consent." He began with the people, 
though he afterwards turned to the Court ; yet if 
he feared to stir, it was because he lived at a 
period when few men dared to make an exertion* 
on behalf of Ireland, and no one could do it with 
success. He was a colony-bred man ; and if he 
did not move, it was because he was afraid to 
bring down England upon Ireland ; for he dreaded 
a contest with her ; he knew her hard hand, and 
that she would have dealt upon Ireland without re- 
morse, and thus he expresssed himelf to his friends 

* " What shall one say of the Speaker, Mr. Malone, and the others ? 
Don't they confess that they have gone the greatest lengths, and risked 
the safety of their country on a mere personal pique ? If they did not 
contend for profit, like our patriots, (and you don't tell me that they have 
made lucrative stipulations), yet it is plain that their ambition had been 
wounded, and that they resented their power being crossed. But I, who 
am Whig to the backbone, indeed to the strictest sense of the word, feel 
hurt in a tenderer point, and which you, who are a minister, must not 
allow me. I am offended at their agreeing to an address, that avows 
such deference for prerogative, that is to protest so deeply against 
having intended to attack it. However rebel this may sound at your 
court, my Gothic spirit is hurt. I do not love such loyal expressions 
from a parliament. I do not so much consider myself writing to Dublin 
Castle, as from Strawberry Castle, where you know how I love my 
liberty/' — Horace Walpoles Correspondence. — Letter from Mr. Conway, 
Secretary in Ireland, to Lord Hartington. 




in private. These were his secret and his real 
sentiments, and he had spirit and sense to feel as 
he did, and prudence enough not to say so. He 
was full of wisdom, and possessed great foresight, 
and great discrimination. Malone was fond of 
liberty ; and though he was a timid and an idle 
patriot, he was a patriot notwithstanding. 

In 1768 a bill was brought in for the relief of 
the Papists, (as they were then invidiously termed) 
to enable them to lend money on Mortgages. This 
bill was the first dawn of liberality towards that 
ill-treated, and oppressed body. It passed the 
House without a division, but was lost in England. 
Anthony Malone supported it. 

On another occasion, when a measure of re- 
laxation towards the Catholics was proposed, 
Anthony Malone turned to Denis Daly, and said, 
" This is the beginning ; — the whole system must 
go, and I rejoice at it from my heart." 

Malone foresaw the consequences of the mea- 
sure, and knew that justice would finally assert 
herself. He was endowed with a strong mind ; 
and though he was not possessed of great learn- 
ing or extensive reading, he had what was much 
better, a fund of exceeding honesty. Although he 
voted with government, and was obliged to sup- 
port many of their measures, the reason was, that 
he thought it better to allay the violence of the 
governing party, than exasperate it by opposition ; 
being w ell aware that matters were not ripe for 




action, and that it was prudent to await the op- 
portunity which his penetration taught him to 
discern was approaching : for he was convinced 
that the system adopted towards his country would 
come to a timely, though perhaps not a speedy 

In Lord Halifax's government Malone behaved 
well ; he gave an honest and spirited opinion ; he 
advised the government not to interfere with the 
money bills. He was not officious in so doing ; 
he gave this opinion because he thought it was 
right, and he suffered in consequence ; he opposed 
the court, and upheld the rights of the Commons 
to originate the supplies. 

When Parliament was summoned in 1760, it 
was necessary, according to Poyning's law, to 
state the reasons for calling it, and to mention the 
heads of the bills. Government did so, and stated 
a money bill. To this Primate Stone objected, 
and so did Malone ; the latter remonstrated against 
the measures of government ; and for this sound 
and constitutional advice, he was considered 
unfit to discharge the duties of Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, and was removed from office. A pro- 
ceeding so unjust, so severe, and so ill deserved, 
shows how Ireland was governed, and how hard 
she was driven by the English minister. Malone 
was dismissed too without a pension ; but he neither 
felt nor regretted this. All however did not drive 
him into opposition ; his mind contained nothing 




factious or resentful ; he still continued to advise 
the court, and to assist them with his judgment, of 
which they stood much in need ; so that if he 
did not carry any good measure, he had the merit 
of advising them against many that were bad, and 
of deterring them from others. 

This line of conduct was not popular, and ex- 
posed Malone to much blame, and he was accused, 
most unjustly, of taking money. In January, 1761, 
he brought in the money bill against which he had 
remonstrated. He did this officially ; but per- 
haps it had been better if he had not done it, 
although he was chairman of the committee of 
supply ; for it was afterwards said that he received 
£3000 secret service money. Of this he was in- 
capable, and of money he was regardless ; for al- 
though not devoid of vanity, he had not any fa- 
mily, or any habits of expense. His mind was 
honest — as pure as it was disinterested — and it 
raised him far above such low considerations. 

Malone sat in the court as Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer, and delivered his judgments, which were 
good, with great ability. He was calm and grave, 
both in mind and manner. His hair, which was 
quite grey, gave him a fine look, and added to his 
dignified and majestic appearance. He was not 
however possessed of that dignity which Lord 
Pery had, and he wanted his political courage ; 
so that he probably would have sunk where Lord 
Pery would have risen. He had stronger faculties 




than Lord Pery, but he was not so active, nor had 
he so busy a mind : he was more vigorous, but 
Pery was more acute. 

Though, as I have said, Malone was not the 
best of lawyers, nor the first of classical scholars, 
yet he had a powerful style of reasoning, and ex- 
ceedingly honest, and these gave him great and 
deserved influence. Malone was in great practice 
in his profession at the bar, and from his fee book, 
which I saw at Baronstown, the family seat in the 
county of Westmeath, he appears to have been at a 
very early period in the receipt of three thousand 
guineas a-year. There is, at the place just named, a 
fine marble bust of him, and underneath an inscrip- 
tion, which his descendant, Lord Sunderlin, then 
in possession of the place, told me was very appro- 
priate, and accurately described him. It is from 
Cicero on Scaurus — ~" In Scaur i oratione, reperti 
hominis et tecti — gravitas summa etnaturalis qucedam 
inerat auctoritas, non ut causam sed ut testimonium 
dicer e putares cum pro reo dicer et" 

The subjects which occupied the attention of 
Parliament towards the close of George the 
Second's reign were the pensions, — (of which the 
list was wantonly excessive, and the disposal 
lavish* and profligate ;) — the originating money- 

* The Dowager Queen of Prussia, sister of George the Second, had a 
pension of £800 a-year on the Irish establishment, and on her death, the 
Duke of Bedford (lord lieutenant) obtained it for his wife's sister, Lady 
Betty Waldgrave. 


bills in the Privy Council; the altering them in 
England ; and the Bill for shortening the duration 
of Parliaments. 

In 1753, the first appearance of public feeling 
was called forth, on the question of a surplus in 
the Treasury. It excited great sensation, and 
was the first subject since the revolution where the 
representatives of the people assumed any degree 
of political courage. The sum was not consider- 
able, but the principle involved was every thing. 
£ 77,500 remained in the treasury, and the repre- 
sentatives of the people who paid the taxes natu- 
rally conceived they had a right to dispose of the 
surplus, without the previous consent and recom- 
mendation of his •Majesty. But this principle was 
displeasing to the English ministry, and in case the 
Commons of Ireland should raise their head, it 
was resolved they should be made to feel their 
subordinate situation, and that it was one, not of 
annexation, but dependance. Accordingly, when 
the money-bill was returned from England, there 
was found an alteration, by the insertion of the 
w ords, " previous consent and recommendation of 
his Majesty," — "that he would be pleased to con- 
descend that it should be paid towards the liqui- 
dation of the national debt." 

A Committee of the House was appointed to 
examine this bill ; they reported the alteration, 
and the bill was rejected by five voices. Five of 
the Gore family, who voted on the occasion, 




claimed to themselves the Victory. The lists of 
the division were printed in black and red, the 
majority headed by the words " Vindices llber- 
tatis" and the minority, " Hie niger est, hunc tu 
Romane caveto"* 

This event was the beginning of Irish freedom 
and the first symptom of public spirit and feeling. 
The ten years following this were passed in an in- 
effectual struggle on the subject of place and 
pension bills, and bills to limit the duration of 
parliament, all of which ended in impotent efforts 
on the part of the people. The Customs and Excise 
had been voted for ever. The parliament sat for 
the life of the king, and existed but in name. The 
Catholics were excluded from it, first by a resolu- 
tion of the Irish house, to impose the oath of abju- 
ration and supremacy, and afterwards by a British 
law; and they were also deprived of the right of elect- 
ing members to Parliament, by the Act of William 
the Third, 1697. The constituency was thus con- 
fined to the Protestants, and reduced to nothing ; 
so that the people had no control over the repre- 
sentatives, and the existence of a Parliament was 
a species of mockery. Hence their struggles were 
weak and ineffectual, and oppressed by the Court, 
and unconnected with and unsupported by the 
people, their voice was not heard throughout the 

The judges in Ireland held their office during 

* See Appendix for this list. 




pleasure, and on 11th November 1763, a motion 
having been made by Sir Lucius O'Brien to bring 
in the heads of a bill to make their commissions last 
only during good behaviour, the measure was sup- 
pressed and lost in the Privy Council, and no act 
to secure their independency was passed until 
1782 when the cause of the people triumphed.* 

* The manner in which the Irish Judges were selected may be judged 
of from the following circumstance; — Mr. Robinson had not the least 
idea that he would be created judge ; he had written a Pamphlet in 
which he had treated of the right of the House of Commons to dispose 
of the money remaining in the Treasury without the previous consent of 
the Crown in 1753; — he denied such a right to exist, and wrote with 
much spleen. The Duke of Bedford, then Lord Lieutenant, was much 
displeased with that body, and asked, what person there was to fill the 
vacant judge's place, and inquired for some one who had never said any- 
thing in favour of the House of Commons. Robinson was named, and 
was accordingly created judge ; and he faithfully adhered to the princi- 
ples of his appointment, for he carried to the bench no strong predilec- 
tions in favour of popular assemblies. 

On one occasion, when a case regarding the volunteers, where a riot 
had occurred, was tried in his court, Yelverton was pleading. Robinson 
stopped him by asking, " What is that you say of those volunteers — that 
they went in quick time ? — was it when they were running awat/ ?" — 
Yelverton replied, " No, my lord, the Volunteers never run away — they 
go in quick time, when they advance against the enemy." 

This individual pretended to be a great judge of speaking, and held 
oratory in sovereign contempt. He used to say, " Nothing so precari- 
ous or dangerous as eloquence — to be sure it made the fortune of Jack 
Hultfy but it ruined Frederick Flood." To any one who remembers these 
individuals, this remark, no doubt will be very entertaining. The per- 
son whom he thus designated Jock Haly was Provost Hutchinson, who 
had been very severe in his remarks upon him, and on one occasion, ex- 
claimed, " My lords, I see a loathsome spider crawls from the corner of 
the court." 

Many years elapsed before any improvement took place in the selec- 
tion of persons to fill the judicial bench, and the Union finally prostrated 
its character and sunk it in the eyes of the people. They beheld those 
men who had voted for the abolition of their Parliamentary constitution, 
rewarded by being appointed the administrators of law and the dis- 





A subject which formed one of the causes of dis- 
pute at this period, arose from the transfer of the 
pension of 800/. a-year out of the Irish establishment, 
which was paid to the King's sister, (Queen Dowa- 
ger of Prussia), and on her death the Duke of Bed- 
ford, (Lord Lieutenant) obtained it for his wife's 
sister. When Parliament met, they took notice of 
this, and passed several spirited resolutions against 
pensions, absentees and various other grievances, 
which they desired to have forwarded to the King. 
The Duke replied that the matters complained of 
were of so serious a nature, that he could not im- 
mediately say that it would be proper to trans- 
mit them. The House were naturally and justly 
indignant, and finding that the Lord Lieutenant 
was not only the author of one of the grievances 
complained of, but the instrument to stifle their 

pensers of justice: Mr. Toler, Mr. Fox, Mr. Daly, Mr. Johnston, Mr. 
Osborne, Mr. Mc. Cleland, Mr. Smith. This system of appointing men 
whose sentiments were known to be hostile to the civil and religious 
liberties of the subject lasted till a very late period, and it was not until 
the Government of the Marquess ofNormanby that a just and salutary 
change took place, when the people could look up to the bench of 
justice with confidence and respect ; then for the first time since the Re- 
volution of 1688, were Roman Catholic Barristers allowed to receive the 
just reward of their industry and their talent. Michael O'Loghlin was 
the first Roman Catholic who was raised to the bench. He was ap- 
pointed Master of the Rolls, and there exists but one opinion as to his 
integrity, his talents, and the general satisfaction his judgments give to 
the suitor. Mr. Stephen Woulfe succeeded the Chief Baron of the Court 
of Exchequer, and next Mr. Nicholas Ball succeeded Mr. Moore as one 
of the judges of the Common Pleas, men whose abilities entitled them to 
the situation. 

The country is indebted for these appointments to the manly spirit 
and liberal mind of the late Viceroy, the Marquess ofNormanby. — Ed. 


utterance, they postponed the question regard- 
ing the supplies; — upon which the Government 
thought proper to yield, and the secretary, 
Mr. Rigby, acquainted the House that their re- 
solutions would be forwarded to the King. This 
was accordingly done, and Mr. Pitt, (Lord Chat- 
ham) wrote in reply to the Duke of Bedford. But 
no good resulted from this interference, and even 
the suggestions of Lord Chatham to use " soften - 
i?ig and healing arts of government" was wantonly 
perverted, and the most unblushing practices were 
shortly after resorted to, in order to beat down the 
aristocracy, and dissipate that junction of parties 
which was at that period the only mode left to 
make head against the abuses of the Government. 



Whitehall, Nov. 20, 1757. 

My Lord, 

The picture your Grace has given of parties in Ireland, 
the great fermentatiou of spirits in that kingdom, and their 
aptitude in such critical circumstances to kindle in higher 
and more mischievous heats and asperities, cannot but have 
made due impressions on his Majesty, and has given room, 
by the King's order, to the most serious deliberations of 
his servants, on the several parts of your grace's important 
Letter, and on the most salutary and efficacious methods of 
allaying present animosities, and securing future strength 
and harmony to Government. I am first to observe to your 
grace, with regard to the disagreeable, but short postponing 
of the Supply, that, as an apprehension of the Privileges of 

F 2 




the House being at stake, had first raised and would have 
nourished dissatisfaction,* on a common principle of Par- 
liamentary union, found at all times more comprehensive 
than any other, your grace's prudence, in not persevering 
to maintain so disadvantageous and difficult a ground, has 
met with entire approbation. 

I beg leave to refer myself to my former letter of the 
18th instant, desiring, for the King's information, your 
grace's more particular sentiments and lights, concerning 
the causes, and properest remedies, of the present animo- 
sities, and difficulties to Government resulting therefrom. 

At the same time I must not omit remarking, that an 
observation in your grace's letter, on the near equality in 
strength of the two predominant parties, highly deserves, 
and has not escaped the attention of his Majesty ; and, if, in 
the present unhappy division, " those gentlemen who are de- 
termined against all Government, in whatever hands it may 
be placed, will be enabled," as your grace justly represents, 
" by their junction of either of the two parties which may 
be discontented, to embarrass matters to such a degree as 
to render it difficult, if not impossible to carry on affairs to 
his Majesty's satisfaction, and to the advantage of the pub- 
lic," — I am to observe that a conjuncture so constituted 
seems naturally to suggest, and almost necessitate, all 
softening and healing arts of Government, consistent with 
its dignity, and as far as may be practicable, plans of com- 
prehension and harmony. 

I am, &c. &c. 

W. Pitt. 

* u The Primate's faction have passed eleven resolutions on Pensions 
and Grievances, equal to any in 1641, and the Duke of Bedford's friends 
durst not say a word against them. The day before yesterday a messen" 
ger came from him for help. The Council here will try to mollify; bu 
Ireland is no tractable country." — Wulpoles Letters to Sir H. Mann. 




(Most secret and particular.) 

Dublin Castle, Dec. 5, 1757. 


I have as yet had barely time to acknowledge the re- 
ceipt of your secret dispatch of the 26th of last month, by 
the last packet that sailed from hence, which I did not 
think a safe conveyance for the matter I now find myself 
under the necessity of writing to you. I think myself 
under the deepest obligations of gratitude to his Majesty 
for his gracious approbation of my conduct hitherto, in 
carrying on his business here; and for the assurance that 
M his gracious countenance and support will never be want- 
ing to me in the administration of government in Ireland, 
in all such proper instances as his Majesty shall be first 
satisfied, are best calculated for contributing facility and 
strength to his affairs, and ease and credit to myself." 
As it has ever been my constant wish, in every station of 
life in which I have acted, to prefer the milder method of 
conciliation and union, to the harsher one of punishment 
and separation, I shall with great willingness undertake 
the task, however difficult it may be, which his Majesty 
has prescribed to me, of using my utmost endeavours to 
conciliate and unite those two (at present) very disunited 
parties — I mean the Kildares and Ponsonbys.* This is 
the only step of conciliation that seems to me to be in any de- 
gree practicable ; and though the difficultiesappearto be very 
great, yet I do not think them absolutely insurmountable. 
I have already taken every step that I thought likely to con- 

* The parties at this time existing in Ireland are described by 
Horace Walpole to have been " The Primate's, Lord Kildare's; those 
attached to the speaker (Ponsonby,) and who in truth were a defection 




duce to this salutary end, but as yet I have found very little 
reason to expect much success in my endeavours ; which 
I must chiefly ascribe to the belief of those reports, which 
have been industriously spread about this town by those of 
the Primate's # faction, that the last dispatches I re- 
ceived from you did tie up my hands from taking such 
measures as I might judge expedient to bring back his 
Majesty's servants to a due sense of their duty. 

You see, sir, by this, what a gross misrepresentation 
has been made by designing men of those orders which his 
Majesty has been most graciously pleased to give me ; which 
although they are penned with that spirit of moderation 
and coolness which his Majesty has at all times showed 
to all his subjects, preferring in the first instance, lenity 
and admonition to rigour and chastisement, do not, however, 
prevent me from taking such measures as the obstinacy of 
some might make absolutely necessary for the carrying on 
the business of government. And I flatter myself I am 
well founded in this belief, by your again referring me to 
your dispatch of the 18th of November, in which I am 
directed to transmit " to you for his Majesty's information 
the names of such persons, if any such shall occur to me, 

from Kildare; and a flying squadron of patriots, the smallest body of 
the four, and composed, as is usual, of the discontented — that is, of 
those who had been too insignificant to be bought off, or whose de- 
mands had been too high; and of a few well-meaning men. Lord 
Kildare had still the greatest number of dependents, though inferior to 
those of the Primate and Ponsonby, if united ; a point now eagerly 
pursued by the Archbishop, while at the same time he underhand in- 
flamed the patriots against the castle, and had sufficient success." — 
Memoirs of Geo. II. 

* Dr. George Stone, brother of Mr. Stone, the intimate friend of the 
Duke of Newcastle, appointed to the Bishopric of Ferns, at the age of 
twenty-eight, in the year 1731, to Kildare in 1733, to Derry in 1743, to 
the Primacy of Armagh in 1747, died in 1764. 




as shall be most capable and best qualified from their 
abilities, credit, and connections, to strengthen and pro- 
mote his Majesty's service." 

As it is absolutely necessary, to enable me to be of any 
service to the King in this country, that the secret dis- 
patches which are to come from you tome, be kept inviola- 
bly so, I must most earnestly entreat, that the contents 
of them may not be sent to individuals here; as the pre- 
sent instance shows of what dangerous consequence even 
the most trivial communication may be productive; for I can 
assure you of a certainty, that the messenger who brought 
me your dispatches, did bring at the same time a letter 
from a very considerable person in England to the Pri- 
mate, besides another letter to one in his family ; and it 
is to this correspondence I fear these injurious reports 
have arisen. 

That I may not appear to have taken any thing up 
upon vague reports, I can inform you, that Sir Thomas 
Pendergrast has been the person who has propagated them 
all over this town, and I must leave you to judge whether 
even the bare suspicion of my not enjoying the King's 
entire countenance and support in my administration, is 
not sufficient to defeat my best endeavours for his Ma- 
jesty's service. T beg, sir, that what I now write may not 
be imputed to the least diffidence I have conceived of 
you ; but I have been long enough about court to know, 
that those of a prying and busy disposition do worm them- 
selves into secrets in a very unaccountable manner, and 
the more easily, the more open and ingenuous the person 
they have to deal with is. 

I shall trouble you no longer in this most secret and 
particular letter, than to assure you that whatever orders 
from his Majesty you shall transmit me during my stay 
here, I shall endeavour to execute them with fidelity and 




punctuality ; and as for my return hither a second time, I 
must leave that to the wisdom of his Majesty, and the 
judgment of his servants in England, who, I am con- 
vinced, can never advise him to intrust the government of 
this kingdom, in its present factious and unsettled state, 
into the hands of one who shall not be judged proper to be 
trusted with that power which can alone enable him to 
make that reformation, as well in men as things, which 
appears to be absolutely necessary at present. 
I am, with great truth and regard, 

Your most obedient humble servant, 


CHAP. V.] 




Dread of a Union. — Rising in Dublin. — Mob-excesses. — Lord Hills- 
borough. — Expected Invasion of Ireland. — Rigby to Mr. Pitt. — Rigby 
and Wal pole's description of the Excesses of the Mob. — Popular 
Song. — Militia Bill thrown out. — Embargo — Septennial Bill. — Reign 
of George III. — Dr. Lucas — II is services to Ireland. — The Freeman's 
Journal. — His Literary Labors. — His Writings ordered to be burnt 
by the Hangman. — Ordered to be arrested, but escaped to England. — 
Practises as a Physician. — Returns to Ireland. — Sketch of his Charac- 
ter. — His efforts in the House of Commons. — Character of his 
Writings. — His Death and Public Funeral. 

However deficient Parliament may have been in 
its constitution and action, yet the people, 
even at this period, evinced, though in a singu- 
lar and rude manner, their attachment to the in- 
stitution. In 1759, Rigby was Master of the Rolls 
and Secretary to the Duke of Bedford, then Lord 
Lieutenant. He was a man of strong and quick na- 
tural parts, but of a coarse and uncultivated mind, 
and dissipated in his habits. On the 3rd of De- 
cember, the people dreading a union, and apprehen- 
sive that their Parliaments (such as they were,) 
would be taken from them, suddenly rose in 
Dublin. The drum beat throughout that part 




called the Liberty, where the abode of the manu- 
facturers principally lay, and roused them, on the 
announcement that before a certain hour next day 
the houses of Parliament would be removed. 
Rigby they hooted and threatened to kill. He 
states that he was not afraid, and that he drove 
through the streets in his carriage. Other ac- 
counts reported that he rode out of town that 
day. The Lord Chancellor (Bowes) was dragged 
from his chariot ; Warden Flood, the Attorney- 
General, was wounded and took refuge in the Col- 
lege ; the mob stopped the members on their way 
to the House, and administered an oath to them, 
that they would not vote for a union. They broke 
into the House of Lords, and placed an old wo- 
man in the chair, and adding ridicule to violence, 
sent for pipes and tobacco for her. No further mis- 
chief, however, was done. 

Lord Hillsborough, (who was afterwards Secre- 
tary of State for the American colonies) was strongly 
in favour of a union, and had so expressed him- 
self publicly in England.* The idea that haunted 
the minds of the ministers was, that these ex- 
cesses were attributable to emissaries from France, 
and were but a part of the plan of invasion ; and 
Walpole, in his Memoirs of George II., adopts the 

* The cry in Ireland has been against Lord Hillsborough, supposing 
him to meditate an union of the two islands. George Selwyn seeing him 
set t'other night between my Lady Harrington and my Lord Barrington, 
said, ' Who can say my Lord Hillsborough is not an enemy to an 
union V " — Walpbk's Letters. 



idea that England was to be invaded from Dun- 
kirk, and Ireland from Brest, while Thurot was 
to fall upon Scotland ; — thus seeking to attribute 
to a foreign enemy and to a distinct cause that 
which was merely the result of domestic mal- 

Kigby wrote to Mr. Pitt, (afterwards Lord 
Chatham,) — " The mob of this kingdom seek to 
terrify by numbers, and say since they have no 
chance of numbers in the House, they must have 
recourse to the old method of numbers out of 
doors. There is no tale so absurd that the people 
here will not swallow with a few shillings' 
worth of whiskey. An infamous disappointed old 
lawyer*, who offered me a bribe of one thousand 
pounds to make him a judge, for which I treated 
him as he deserved ; I suspect to have been at 
great pains to poison the minds of the people, 
particularly on the dreaded subject of the union, 
there being no more Parliaments to be held in Ire- 
land. The Protestants you say have hands and 
zeal ; I am sorry to say there is a sect among the 
Protestants who have a zeal most dangerous to be 

* Who this " Old lawyer" was, does not appear ; the offer (if ever 
it was made) possibly may have received encouragement, not only from 
the equally great disgrace of publicly selling seats in Parliament — 
at that period the common practice in England — as from the character 
and conduct of Mr. Rigby, whom Mr. Walpole describes as a person 
' roughened with brutality" — " his passions turbulent and overweening" 
— " totally uncultivated" — and "indulging in profuse drinking." Yet 
this person was Secretary in Ireland. Junius in his celebrated Letters 
says, u his name was a satire on all government." 


trusted ; they are descended from Cromwell's 
followers, and still retain that stubborn spirit ; 
they avow at this day a dislike to monarchy and 
the established church, and their fidelity requires 
equal watching with the Papists. Indeed I do 
not state the situation of the country in a more 
unfavourable light to you than it appears to me 
after much acquaintance with it." 

Such was Mr. Rigby's statement. How mis- 
taken this individual was, and how erroneous the 
information he thus gave to Lord Chatham, as to the 
character and the objects of this party, will here- 
after appear, when we read what their spirit 
achieved for their country and her liberties. The 
description that Mr. Fox gives of them forms a 
fine contrast with that of Mr. Rigby, and shows 
how differently principles and men appear when 
viewed by the friend, or the foe to civil freedom. 
He denominates them " the old leaven of liberty, 
that fermented and kneaded together the principles of 
the British constitution ." 


Dublin Castle, December 5, 1759. 


I have spared no pains to discover the authors and 
abettors of it, but hitherto my endeavours have been to no 
purpose. The pretence put into their mouths is, a Union 
with Great Britain, and an abolition of parliaments here. 


They are of the very lowest and scum of the people ; despe- 
rate by nature, made more so by drams ; and they have shown 
no regard to persons, or to parties which heretofore sub- 
sisted in this country ; the being a member of either 
House of Parliament was the crime, and they tendered 
oaths indiscriminately to all, to swear they were true to 
their country ; and the taking such oaths did not satisfy 
the mob. 

The Earl of Inchiquin was one object of their fury in 
his way to the House of Lords, or rather at his entrance 
into it. They stripped him of his wig and ribbon, and he 
escaped, in imminent danger of his life. Mr. Rowley, 
who is a privy councillor, and a man of great fortune, was 
dragged the length of a street by them, and narrowly 
escaped being thrown into the river and drowned. Mr. 
Morres, a member of Parliament, and one of the King's 
counsel, was stripped of his very shirt, and beat and 
bruised. The Attorney-General was wounded in his cha- 
riot, which lie was obliged to quit, and to take refuge in 
the college. These are but few of very many instances of 
the like nature. 

I have heard that, by their discourses, I have been a 
principal object of their aversion ; but I have never failed 
going to Parliament and from it in my own* chariot, 

* This does not quite agree with the account given by Walpole, who 
states that the fury of the people was directed against Rigby, for whom 
they had prepared a gallows, and were determined to hang him on it ; 
but, fortunately, that morning he had gone out of town to ride, and had 
received notice not to return. " The mob assembled round the House 
of Commons, and Mr. Ponsonby, the Speaker, was obliged to go out 
and pacify them, and with Mr. Rigby, declared if a Bill of Union was 
brought in, they would vote against it. The Bishop of Killala and the 
Lord Chancellor (Bowes) were dragged out of their carriage, and Lord 
Inchiquin, who had arrived in town to oppose the Union, was insulted. 




and have never met with insult or blow from them, though 
I have observed unpleasant countenances. In the various 
reports which you may imagine have been brought to me 
of this tumult from time to time, the Duke of Bedford's 
name has never once been mentioned. 

After this account I wish I could pretend to ascribe the 
true motive of it to you. It certainly may be occasioned 
by emissaries from France, though I think I should have 
discovered it if that had been the case. The better kind 
of people, the tradesmen, and the like, are ashamed and 
terrified at such proceedings, and are one and all with the 
Parliament, willing and desirous to concur in every means 
to subdue them. The magistrates have undoubtedly been 
remiss. The lord-mayor is a timorous and weak man. He 
with the sheriffs have been at the bar of the House of 
Commons many hours to-day, and I have told them and 
the House my opinion in the strongest terms upon this 
state of things, worse than anarchy, and I must do the 
House the justice to say, they are willing to support me 
to the utmost. 

I hope, Sir, you will hear no more of such shameful 
misdemeanors, and be assured, that all spirit shall be 
shown in the execution of the laws, if more of them* shall 

I am, with the greatest esteem and regard, 

Your most obedient and 

Obliged humble servant, 

Richard Rigby. 

The mob pulled off his perriwig and put the oath to him. He had an 
impediment in his speech, and stuttering, they cried — ' Damn you, do 
you hesitate ? ' but hearing that his name was O'Bryen, their rage was 
turned into acclamations/' — Memoirs y Vol. ii. 

* The sentiments of the people on this subject may be judged of from 



A militia bill was also proposed by the popular 
party, in order to make the armed force somewhat 
more national and parliamentary ; but this was 
finally thrown out at the end of the Session in 1767, 
and instead thereof, the standing army was aug- 
mented ; which as there was no annual Mutiny 
Bill, was in Ireland perpetual. 

the following song, which was written in the time of the Duke of Dorset, 
and was now revived and circulated in all parts of the country : — 


A courtier called Dorset, from Park-gate did sail, 
In his Majesty's yacht, for to court Granuweal ; 

With great entertainment he thought to prevail, 
And rifle the charms of Granuweal. 

Sing budderoo, didderoo, Granuweal, 

The fox in the trap we have caught by the tail ; 
Come fill up your bowls, and to drink ne'er fail, 

Sing success to the sons of brave Granuweal. 

Says the courtier to Granu, if you will be true, 
I will bring you to London, and do for you too ; 

Where you shall have pleasure that never will fail, 
I'll laurel your shamrock, sweet Granuweal. 

Sing, &c. 

Says Granu to Dorset, if that I would do, 

Bring my fortunes to London, my children would rue, 

We would be like Highlanders, eating of keal, 
And cursing the Union, says Granuweal. 

Sing, &c. 

Says Granu, I always was true to my King, 

When in war, I supplied him with money and men : 

Our love to King George, with our blood we did seal 
At Dettingen battle, says Granuweal. 

Sing, &c . 




Another measure was, laying on the embargo, 
under the pretence of a scarcity of grain, and 
stopping the export of provisions. The bill was 
returned from England, altered in a singular and 
unconstitutional manner ; it was, however, passed ; 
and the doctrine that the King could impose an 
embargo without any new law, was advanced and 

The next encroachment was the enforcing the 
embargo by proclamation, after the act autho- 
rising it had expired, such were the violent mea- 
sures on the part of government. 

Says Granu, I always still loved to be free, 

No foe shall invade me in my liberty ; 
While I've Limerick, Derry, and the fort of Kinsale, 

I'll love and not marry, says Granuvveal. 

Sing, &c. 

Says Granu, you see there's a large stone put in, 

To the heart of the Church, by the leave of the King ; 

The works of this stone shall be weighed in a scale, 
With balance of justice, says Granuweal. 

Sing, &c. 

I hope our brave Hartington, likewise Kildare, 

Our trade and our commerce once more will repair; 

Our lives we will venture, with greatest assail, 
Against French and Spaniards, says Granuweal. 
Sing, &c. 

Now, my dear boys, we've got shut of these bugs, 
I charge you, my children, lie close in your rugs ; 

They'll hide like a snake, but will bite I'll be bail, 
I'll give them shillelah, says Granuweal. 

Sing, &c. 

CHAP. V.] 



At the close of the Parliament at the end of the 
Reign of George II. (Parliaments in Ireland lasted 
during the life of the King,) the Septennial Bill had 
been brought forward. This measure took its rise 
among the people, the constituents of counties 
and of boroughs ; and in the first session of the 
reign of George III. it was brought forward by- 
Doctor Lucas. It was approved of by the Lord 
Lieutenant and Council ; and the bill was trans- 
mitted to England, but was never returned. 

The popular party, thus defeated, but not dis- 
couraged, brought forward the measure a second 
time, in the ensuing session, with the same zeal, 
and the same result. In the third session, the 
measure was again introduced ; and the Chief Go- 
vernor, Lord Hertford, gave every assurance of 
his support. His brother was one of the principal 
Secretaries in England ; his son was Secretary in 
Ireland, and voted for the bill. But it was, never- 
theless, a third time rejected, and the people were 
disappointed. A fourth time it was attempted, in 
the winter of the session of 1767-8, in Lord 
Townsend's Administration, and was returned 
from England, along with the bills of supply, 
altered from septennial to octennial, and was at 
length (Feb. 9, 1768,) passed into a law. 

Of this measure Doctor Lucas may justly be 
considered the parent. Lucas was a singular cha- 
racter, and took an active, a varied and a remark- 
able part in the affairs of the country ; but he was 




[chap. V. 

very different from the men of his day — Mr. Ma- 
lone, Mr. Pery, Mr. Flood ; he was of another 
order, and of another structure of mind, and he 
moved in a different sphere. Though without the 
high talent, and extensive knowledge, or the great 
general powers of those distinguished men, he 
nevertheless rendered to his country very great 
and distinguished services, and in fact laid the 
ground-work of Irish liberty. Lucas was the 
first who, after Swift, dared to write freedom. He 
established the " Freeman's Journal," a paper that 
upheld liberal principles, that raised a public 
spirit where there had been none, and kept up a 
public feeling when it was sinking, and to which, 
in a great degree, Ireland was indebted for her 

Lucas's name stands connected with those two 
great measures, the Freedom of the Press, and the 
shortening the duration of Parliaments. His his- 
tory presents the singular spectacle of a man of hum- 
ble origin, — an apothecary by profession, and that 
profession his only means of subsistence, — more- 
over, without education, with little acquired know- 
ledge, and little force of talents, — issuing from his 
shop, and at once attacking abuses wherever he 
finds them. He does this too with great boldness, 
and admirable spirit. He not only attacked abuses, 
but individuals, and declared a general war against 
the wrongs of his country, her governors, her laws, 
and her Representatives. He bade defiance to the 

CHAP. V.] 



power and tyranny of the Parliament of Ireland, 
and was fearless of the vengeance of Great Britain. 
He was another Swift, but without the vast talents 
of that writer. In Lucas it seemed a sort of in- 
spiration, for nothing was too high or too low for 
his resentment or his ambition. He assailed every 
thing and every body, from the Monarch who 
swayed the sceptre down to the Mayor who held 
the city mace. He flung them all into his poli- 
tical crucible, and poured upon them indiscrimi- 
nately the vials of his unsparing vituperation. He 
deemed their offences great, and his language was 
strong in proportion. He made political abuse a 
sort of trade, and got business by it, and popu- 

In 1748 Lucas addressed a number of letters to 
his fellow-citizens, that were devoid of style and 
taste, but were full of ardor, spirit, and the love 
of freedom ; their sentiments strong, their prin- 
ciples sound, and their boldness undaunted. His 
writings were all in favour of liberty, and they 
embraced all the leading points of Irish grievances. 
He denied the supremacy of the British Parlia- 
ment — he asserted the absolute independence of 
Ireland, and her right to self-government — he at- 
tacked Poyning's law, and the final judicature 
assumed by the British House of Lords ; he also 
published, with appropriate strictures, the protest 
in the English House in 1719, against the then 
assumption of that authority. 

g 2 



[CHAP. V. 

All this very naturally attracted attention, and 
drew down upon Lucas the hostility of the Go- 
vernment. To add to the number of his foes, he 
alluded in his writings, in the severest terms, to 
the Lord Lieutenant, Harrington ; and inveighed 
against the abuses of the city authorities, the Lord 
Mayor and the Aldermen. Thus he contrived to 
unite all parties against him, and they were quick 
and decided in their proceedings. The grand 
juries of the county, and of the city of Dublin, 
presented his addresses as libels on the Lord 
Lieutenant — as " tending to promote insurrection, 
and as justifying the bloody rebellion raised in 
Ireland;" and they ordered his writings to be 
burned by the hands of the common hangman. 
The Attorney-General also filed an information 
against him, for the same supposed offences for 
which he had been presented by the several grand 
juries, upon the charge of the Chief Justice. The 
House of Commons resolved that his writings 
were seditious, and that he was an enemy to his 
country ; that he be arrested by the Speaker's 
warrant, and committed to gaol ; — and, not being 
able to discover him, they requested the Lord 
Lieutenant to issue his proclamation for his appre- 
hension. Finally, the Corporation disfranchised 
him — in gross violation of their own rules and in- 
stitution. Several of the citizens, however, more 
spirited than the rest, opposed this violence, and 
proceeded to call their ancient court of Darrien 


Hundred; but they were dispersed by the Lord 
Mayor, who threatened to call in the military. 

Yet all these efforts, numerous as they were, 
failed either to subdue or silence the object of 
their unjust vengeance. 

Lucas took refuge in England ; and, compelled 
to fly from the country whose rights and liberties 
he had asserted, he appealed to the people of both 
islands against such unexampled oppression, and 
dated his address from Westminster, " the present 
place of my pilgrimage, 1750." 

The active mind of Lucas did not suffer him to 
remain quiet. He now applied himself to his pro- 
fession, and practised as physician ; and being well 
skilled in that profession, he quickly obtained re- 
putation. His treatise on the Bath waters, was 
much esteemed. He also obtained much business 
by his popularity. He was the medical adviser, 
as well as the personal friend, of the Earl of Char- 

Lucas remained an exile from 1749 to 1760, 
when he returned to his native country, in conse- 
quence of a ' noli prosequi ' from the crown ; and 
a dissolution of Parliament having taken place on 
the death of George II., he was chosen one of the 
Members to represent the city of Dublin, in 1761. 
This latter event was Lucas's final triumph over his 
enemies; but it was also his " journey's end ? ' — 
"the seamark of his utmost sail." He did not acquire 
any political reputation by his return : he estab- 
lished his innocence, but exposed his ambition. 



[CHAP. V. 

In 1763, Lucas brought in a bill to limit the 
duration of Parliament; and, in 1764, a bill to 
secure the freedom of Parliament. He also sup- 
ported Mr. Pery's motions against the improper 
grants of pensions. 

Lucas possessed a fine figure, and a grave, re- 
spectable bearing ; and though he was obliged 
to speak sitting (having lost the use of his limbs 
through illness,) he presented a commanding and 
a striking appearance. He had a rich, mellow 
voice; and his accents pleased the ear. His tones 
were smooth and soft, and peculiarly suited to the 
complaining mood in which he so often addressed 
the House. But he had a bad manner, and a 
meagre phraseology. His great fault was, that 
he attacked persons and authority, in order to 
acquire popularity. 

Lucas possessed all the qualities of a tribune ; 
he especially belonged to that order, in every sense 
of the word — in mind, in manners, and in style of 
speaking. Bold, active, and turbulent ; querulous 
and ambitious ; quarrelsome, yet timid ; he was 
always ready to spread out to the people a per- 
petual catalogue of their calamities and their 
wrongs. To say a severe thing, he would sacrifice 
his dearest attachment ; he dealt in inferior satire ; 
and whether friends or foes, he attacked all, with- 
out due regard to strict justice, and without suffi- 
cient talent to redeem this error. 

These were not, perhaps, the best methods to 

CHAP. V.] 



obtain the object he professed to have in view. 
But the people at that period required to be roused 
by strong applications of this sort ; and the result 
was, that without the knowledge, acquirements, 
and the natural talents of many others of his day, 
he attempted more than any man, and did more. 
In fact, notwithstanding all his defects, Dr. Lucas 
did great public good. He may be considered as 
the first who instituted in Ireland that powerful 
engine of popular rights — the press. He deserves, 
on this account alone, a high place in the history 
of his country — a higher one than he will per- 
haps attain ; for mankind are too nice in their 
criticism, and forget that he lived in the dawn 
of Irish freedom. 

Lucas's style was not elevated, nor his invective 
refined ; for he had been accustomed to use it 
against the city aldermen, and with better success 
than in the House of Commons. When he moved 
the Septennial Bill, at the commencement of his 
speech the entire House was against him ; but 
when he sat down, they were all his friends. Yet 
his opposition was indiscriminate and habitual, 
and he had little weight in consequence. Nothing- 
would please him. There was no measure that 
the Administration adopted, that he did not oppose. 

One day, upon entering the House, Lucas asked 
what was doing. A Member told him the House 
had resolved an address to the Lord Lieutenant, 



[CHAP. V. 

praying that he would provide for the chaplain. 
" Oh, oh !" exclaimed Lucas, " Most atrocious V 9 
Lucas tried various points of attack, with various 
success. He was more fortunate in his attack 
upon his colleague, the Recorder, Mr. James 
Grattan, than upon others. The Recorder was 
not a popular character. He opposed the Septen- 
nial Bill ; and being connected with the Corpora- 
tion, Lucas had double cause for his opposition, 
and alluding to him ironically, he said, " He who 
is so sure of being returned for the city — he who 
has the voice of the people of Dublin with him" — 
upon this the Recorder lost his temper, and got 
up to call Lucas to order. Lucas, who had a great 
deal of self-possession, in a plain voice replied, 
" If I am out of order, I will unsay all I have said. 
Well, then, the Recorder of the city of Dublin — 
who is so certain of not being returned at the next 
election — he who has the voice of the people di- 
rectly against him." This caused much laughter, 
at the expense . of the Recorder, and gave Lucas a 

He was not, however, so fortunate with Hut- 
chinson. He said something that offended that 
personage, who, after a severe reply, concluded 
by saying of him — " Ready to wound, but yet 
afraid to strike — a shattered understanding, a 
warm head, and a cold heart." 

This description was not just; still less was 

CHAP. V.] 



it generous towards Lucas, who had espoused 
from the outset the cause of his country — had 
persevered in his attachment, and suffered mar- 
tyrdom, while others, and among them Hutchin- 
son, had opposed the measures for her relief, and 
had been rewarded with office, place, and pension. 
But never was any one more confounded than 
Lucas was by this reply. He could not gain 
self-possession enough to answer it, and he had 
recourse to fighting instead, calling in aid his 
courage to prove the defect of his understanding. 

Hutchinson was a brave man, and did not care 
how long he fought ; but Lucas had been habitu- 
ated to the city, and though possibly not deficient 
in courage, he had certainly no strong disposition 
to the field. He, however, made a judicious 
selection of a second, in Mr. Adderly, who had 
no idea whatever of danger, and was determined 
that the doctor should have none either. Accord- 
ingly, he kept Lucas with him, and would not 
allow him to return to his wife. Lucas, however, 
who had lost the use of his legs, determined to 
fight with a very long sword, which he chose for 
the occasion. Mr. Adderly also provided him 
with a case of pistols, and thus doubly prepared 
him for the encounter. The matter, however, was 
adjusted by the seconds, to the satisfaction of all 

Lucas's writings, though diffuse and devoid of 
style, yet contain the true principles of govern- 



[chap. V. 

merit. His recital of the Irish charter, and the 
historical facts connected with his country, which 
were neither known nor permitted to be promul- 
gated in those times, show his research no less 
than his spirit. The following is a passage from 
the address that was considered so dangerous and 
seditious, and countenancing the horrid Irish in- 
surrection. After setting forth the charter granted 
by Henry and John, he proceeds to say : — " The 
firm and intimate connection of the two kingdoms 
of England and Ireland, under one common head, 
gave them one common interest, — mutual, insepa- 
rable, and unalterable. They must now stand 
and fall together; for each must inevitably be 
affected by the good and evil fortune of the other. 
Whoever with an eye of truth and liberty con- 
siders this matter, must think it the invariable 
interest, as well as duty, of England and Ireland, 
to look upon each other in this light. Though 
from their separate situations as islands, as well 
as from their distinct establishments, they have 
separate and distinct legislatures, yet should 
neither attempt to do or suffer any thing to be 
done that may prove in any degree injurious to 
the other. This makes it as unjust as impolitic, 
for one kingdom to contend with the other for 
superiority in jurisdiction or legislature over the 
other, as it would be for either House of Parlia- 
ment in one nation to oppose and contend with 
the other ; or as it would be for the right hand 

CHAP. V.] 



to quarrel with or oppose the left, merely because 
it was stronger. Neither is strong enough to stand 
long alone, nor equally firm and secure without 
as with the other. One cannot therefore be safe 
when the other is weakened ; nor can it so well 
subsist in freedom when the other is destroyed. " 

Such was the doctrine recommended ; yet the 
author was accused and banished for those works, 
which were construed into an attempt to stir up 
animosity and discord between the two kingdoms ! 
His punishment is a proof that he was in the 
right, and shows how much the Parliament and 
Government required to be reformed, that could 
proceed to such violent and unconstitutional 

If judged by events, Lucas stands high ; if by 
his personal conduct it is otherwise ; but he must 
ever be remembered in the history of his country, 
and regarded as the assertor of her liberties 
against that country and against England. 

Lucas died in Nov. 1771, at the age of fifty-eight. 
The following account of his death and his cha- 
racter, which was given at the time, though rather 
flattering, yet merits attention : — 

" Doctor Lucas was a gentleman of unblemished 
honour; as a physician, eminent, charitable, and humane; 
as a senator, unbiassed in judgment, inviolable in con- 
duct, and incorruptible in integrity. 

<: In J 749 he was called an enemy to his country by a 
venal majority of the most abandoned Parliament. He 



[chap. V. 

became an exile for having merited the thanks and ap- 
probation of all his fellow-subjects. Several years elapsed, 
during which he improved his medical knowledge, and 
became eminent in his profession. In 1761, he returned 
to his native country, in consequence of a noli prosequi 
from his present Majesty, and a vacancy happening for the 
city of Dublin, by dissolution on the death of the late 
King, he was elected member for the city of Dublin. 
In his public duty, firmness, intrepidity, and integrity, 
were his characteristics. He loved his country, he de- 
tested tyranny ; no threats could terrify, no bribes could 
purchase him. He received a public funeral. The stu- 
dents of Trinity College, and the children of the hospitals 
and parishes attended. The supporters were Mr. Pon- 
sonby, Mr. Flood, Mr. Hussy Burgh, Mr. Brownlow, 
Mr. Adderly, Sir Lucius O'Brien, Lord Charlemont, the 
Marquis of Kildare, and others of the nobility and the 
gentry as mourners, and the city officers, the mayor, the 
corporation, and several minor guilds, attended his remains 
to St. Michael's Church." 





Lord Halifax. — Single-speech Hamilton. — Poyning's Law. — Lord 
Townsend appointed Lord Lieutenant. — His measures against the 
Irish Aristocracy. — Weakness of the people. — Corrupt influence. — 
Arbitrary measures of Government. — Lord Townsend 's Protest. — 
Parliament re-assembled. — Its servile conduct. — Consequent resigna- 
tion of the Speaker Ponsonby. — Its good results. — Mr. Pery chosen 
Speaker. — His character. — And influence. — His great services to 
Ireland. — His tact in debate. — His Corn Laws. — His modus for 
Tithe. — His measure for arming Ireland. — His claims as a Speaker. — 
His strict political integrity. — His conduct in the House of Lords. 

Lord Halifax was the first lord-lieutenant of 
George III. His secretary was William Gerard 
Hamilton, known by the name of single-speech 
Hamilton, having made one splendid speech, 
which he left unequalled ever after. His first 
measure was a proposal to raise six regiments of 
Irish Roman Catholics, amounting to 3,000 men, 
to be officered by Catholics, and to be taken into 
the pay of an ally, Portugal. He proposed this 
in a long and excellent speech ; but the measure 
met with so much opposition from the Protestant 




party, where prejudices and fears still existed, 
that it was ultimately given up by the Govern- 

The next proceeding of this administration was 
the arbitrary construction put upon the law of 
Poynings. The act of Henry VII., passed in a 
Parliament held at Drogheda, called after the 
deputy (Sir Edward Poynings), directed that 
no parliament should be held in Ireland, until 
the reasons for convening it were certified to 
England by the governor and council. The bills 
intended to be passed were set forth, and sent by 
the Irish Privy Council to that of England, and 
all bills, except money bills, originated in the 
Irish Privy Council, and under the Great Seal of 
Ireland, were transmitted to England, where they 
could either be altered or suppressed. Then 
under the Great Seal of England they were re- 
turned to Ireland, and were submitted to both 
Houses of Parliament. This was a cumbrous and 
circuitous domination, adopted in unsettled times, 
and intended to prevent the Irish deputies from 
passing laws through interested motives, or under 
frivolous pretences, and giving them the royal 
assent without the knowledge of the sovereign. 
Such was the object of the law, but the construc- 
tion put upon it was different, and it was con- 
tended that the Parliament had no right to pro- 
pose or debate on anything not certified from 




England. Heads of bills, as they were called, 
were proposed and discussed, however, in the 
Commons, for the purpose of being sent to Eng- 
land, and the power of propounding was retained, 
though that of legislating was in part lost. 

At the commencement of the reign of George 
III. it was thought expedient to attack the system 
of oligarchy, that had legislated for the country, 
doubtless, unfortunately, but not so unfortunately 
as to prevent the British Ministry from being 
jealous of its efforts at patriotism ; conceiving, as 
they did, that it was growing into an Irish faction 
against the British Government, as it had been 
fabricated to form a court faction against the Irish 

The English [Ministry listened without objection 
to the solicitations of Charles Townsend in favour 
of his brother, and appointed Lord Townsend to 
the office of Lord Lieutenant. He was a Whig; 
and by no means a bad man, as a private indi- 
vidual ; but as a governor, he was indecent, bois- 
terous, and corrupt. The British Ministry, that 
were not to be withstood by any opposition or 
scruple in England, were much less to be opposed 
by the presumptuous authority of any association 
in Ireland, and Lord Townsend came over to the 
-country to annihilate its consequence. It was a 
matter of indifference whether resistance came 
from the integrity of the Commons, or the unrea- 
sonable ambition of the nobles. To destroy Irish 
consideration, was his object ; and his first exer- 




tions were against an Irish aristocracy, — a species 
of government culpable in theory, and whose con- 
duct has been unfortunate in Ireland. If the ques- 
tion had been between the aristocratic and demo- 
cratic branches, no one could have hesitated, and 
all would have desired the transition of power into 
the scale of the latter; and the practicability only 
was the point in question. But men doubted 
whether a people like the Irish, without extensive 
commerce, without a great proportion in the pro- 
perty of the kingdom, were sufficiently mature in 
prosperity to come in the place of a falling aris- 
tocracy. It was to be apprehended that the 
country gentleman would not acquire weight, but 
rather might lose his independence, by becoming 
the immediate object of corruption. Men recol- 
lected that, upon the most disadvantageous 
ground, opposed to the union of nobility and 
people, the solitary phalanx of Government had 
often disputed every inch of victory ; and they 
feared that when that nobility was destroyed, Go- 
vernment might be irresistible. They thought that 
aristocracy was better than the absolute influence 
of monarchy — and a native aristocracy, than tha 
of a remote monarchy. * 

* " There is almost a civil war between the Lord Lieutenant and 
the Primate * on one side (observe I don't tell you what that is), and 
the Speaker f on the other, who carries questions by wholesale in the 
House of Commons against the Castle ; reams of scandalous verses and 

* Primate Stone, the leader of one of the political parties, 
f Henry Boyle, Earl of Shannon. 



The families of Leinster, the Ponsonbys, Lord 
Shannon, Primate Stone, and others, had long con- 
tended, divided, and ruled the country. They 
formed, perhaps, not the best aristocracy, but a 
very good aristocracy to oppose the Government ; 
and by no other party could their bad measures 
have been opposed. The people were too weak, 
and the representatives of the people too corrupt ; 
Doctor Lucas, Mr. Malone, Mr. Pery, Mr. Flood, 
and Mr. Burgh had tried, and in vain ; the tide of 
courtly power and of British influence was too 
strong to be resisted ; unconditional submission 
was required ; there was no parley ; there was no 
pardon. At the outset of the reign of George III. 
Mr. Malone was dismissed from the Chancellor- 
ship of the Exchequer, without ceremony and 
without pension, merely because, according to his 
conscience and his oath, he had in Council op- 
posed an altered money bill, and contended for 
the rights and privileges of the Commons. 

In 17G8, Government created a number of 
places. Then they divided the Boards of Customs 
and Excise, and increased the Commissioners of 
Revenue, for the avowed purpose of influencing 
Members of Parliament. It was said that half a 
million was expended in this way, to which allu- 

ballads are come over, too bad to send you. What is more provoking 
for the Duke of Dorset, an address has come over directly to the king 
(not as usual through the channel of the Lord Lieutenant), to assure him 
of their great loyalty, and apprehension of being misrepresented ." — Horace 
Walpolis Correspondence : Letter to George Montagu, 





sion is made in Mr Grattan's speeches and 

Government then proceeded to originate a Privy 
Council Money Bill ; thus taking from the repre- 
sentatives of the people the right to dispose of 
their own money ; and when the House of Com- 
mons had spirit enough in 1769 to reject the 
money bill that had been altered in England, the 
Chief Governor, Lord Townshend, entered his pro- 
test against the proceedings, and prorogued Par- 
liament, after passing merely the money bills 
which provided for the augmentation of the army 
to 15,000 men, of which 12,000 were in future to 
be constantly kept up in Ireland.* 

Such a measure, adopted by the executive 
power, and which had not either a practical or 
deliberate voice, was illegal in its origin ; taking 
cognizance of a resolution of the Commons not 
presented to Government, and therefore entirely 
domestic, the protest was unconstitutional ; and 

* In the British House of Commons notice was taken of Lord Towns- 
hend's conduct, and a motion was made by Mr. Boyle Walsingham, se- 
conded by Mr. Constantine Phipps, with a view to censure him ; Lord 
North (who was then Minister) opposed it, however, with success. Lord 
Chatham considered that thus limiting the number of troops to be em- 
ployed in Ireland, was an invasion of the prerogative of the crown; he 
said it was " tearing the master feather from the Eagle's wing." — The law 
was not, however, observed by the Government in Ireland, for they in- 
creased and diminished the number of troops, just as they thought proper. 
When the French threatened to invade the country, they left her without 
any ; and when the Minister threatened to invade the constitution, they 
poured in above 100,000. 



condemning, as contrary to the court interpretation 
of Poyning s law, a resolution which was not re- 
concileable to it, the protest was false in its asser- 
tion, and wanton in its censure. The interpretation, 
too, of the law, was erroneous ; for the spirit of 
the reign of Henry VII. was to advance the Com- 
mons, in order to weaken the party, among whom 
were the Viceroy and his Council. The spirit of 
the law was, to guard against, and not to em- 
power, either ; to make the king a medium of 
intelligence, and not the originator of the law. 

The Viceroy's speech, which he termed a pro- 
test, was entered on the journals of the Lords ; 
five peers alone having recorded their dissent, 
denying his right to do so. The Commons had 
ordered their clerk not to make any entry with- 
out their directions, and the speech does not 
appear on their journals. The document is cu- 
rious, and deserves to be recorded. 

Gentlemen of the House of Commons, — When I first 
met you in Parliament, as I knew and could rely upon it 
that nothing could move from His Majesty, but what would 
be expressive of his constant and ardent desire to maintain 
and preserve every constitutional right to his people, I little 
thought that auy thing would happen, during the course 
of this session, that could possibly affect the just rights of 
His Majesty and of the crown of Great Britain, so as to 
afford His Majesty any just cause of dissatisfaction, and 
make it necessary for me, specially, to assert and vindicate 
those rights. 

H 2 



[chap. VI. 

It is therefore with great concern that I have seen and 
observed in the votes and journals of the House of Commons, 
printed by your order, a late proceeding by you, of such a 
nature and of such effect, with respect to the rights of his Ma- 
jesty and the crown of Great Britain, as to make it necessary 
for me, on this day, and in this place, to take notice of and 
animadvert thereupon : I mean the vote and resolution of 
the first day of November last, by which you, Gentlemen 
of the House of Commons, declare, that a Bill intituled 
An Act for granting to His Majesty the several Duties, 
Rates, Impositions and Taxes, therein particularly ex- 
pressed, to be applied to the payment of the interest of 
the sums therein provided for, and towards the discharge 
of the said principal sums, in such manner as is therein 
directed ; which had been duly certified from hence to His 
Majesty, and by His Majesty, had been transmitted in due 
form under the great seal of Great Britain, and which had 
been read a first time by you, and which was rejected by 
you on that day, was so rejected, because it did not take 
its rise in your house. 

This vote and this resolution of yours, declaring that 
the said bill was rejected, because it did not take its rise 
in your house, being contrary to the acts of parliament of 
this kingdom, of the 10th of Henry the Vllth, and the 3d 
and 4th of Philip and Mary, and the usage and practice 
ever since, and entrenching upon the just rights of His 
Majesty and the Crown of Great Britain, to transmit such 
bills to be treated of and considered in parliament here ; I 
am now to assert His Majesty's royal authority and the 
rights of the Crown of Great Britain in this respect, and 
in such a manner as may be most public and permanent ; 
and therefore, I do here in full parliament make my public 
protest against the said vote and resolution of the House 
of Commons, by which you, Gentlemen of that House, de- 



clare that the said bill was rejected by you, because it did 
not take its rise in your house, and against the entries of 
the said vote and resolution which remain iu the journals 
in the House of Commons : and I do require the clerk of 
this house now to read my said protest, and to enter it in 
the journals of this House, that it may there remain to 
future ages as a vindication of the undoubted right and au- 
thority of His Majesty, and of the rights of the Crown of 
Great Britain in this particular. 

Iu this protest I think myself warranted in all respects, 
and if it needed, as I conceive it doth not, any other 
strength than that which it derived from the statutes which I 
have mentioned, and from the usage and practice ever 
since, it would be found in that precedent which appears 
in the journals of this House of the 3d day of November, 
1692, under the reign of that glorious and immortal prince 
King William the Third, the great deliverer of these king- 
doms, and the constant and magnanimous assertor and pre* 
server of the civil and religious rights of mankind. 99 

The laws expiring, the nation addressing, and 
distress daily approaching, were strong reasons, 
but not the motive, for calling the parliament. If 
the Viceroy could be sure of a sanction from that 
assembly in his favor, he thought he could set op- 
position at defiance, and display to England a 
proud certificate. Accordingly, he applied to the 
usual artifices; he debauched by places; he 
gulled by promises; and in February 1771, he 
assembled parliament. 

The people were naturally alive to this critical 
period ; anxious to know what violent, but justi- 




fiable resolutions, what moderate, but intrepid 
measure would be adopted, to represent the griev- 
ances and re-assert the loyalty of Ireland. But 
unfortunately, in the parliament of those days, it 
happened that when the people were most indig- 
nant, their ardour was contradicted by the compo- 
sure of the senate. The storm which wrecked the 
nation had no effect on the parliament. A steady 
majority took its obsequious station in the harbour 
of the court, and heard no cries, and understood 
no grievances ; so that notwithstanding the insult 
offered to the country and the parliament, by the 
protest and prorogation, the Viceroy contrived to 
procure addresses from both houses, thanking 
His Majesty for continuing him in the government; 
" as from his approved integrity, long knowledge 
and experience of them and their sentiments, they 
were persuaded a just representation would be 
made of their loyalty and duty to the best of 

This servile address was carried by 132 to 107; 
but Mr. John Ponsonby, rather than be the in- 
strument of conveying such extravagant flattery 
and falsehood, addressed a letter to the House of 
Commons, on the 4th March, 1771, and resigned 
the office of Speaker. He stated, "that when he 
had the honour of being unanimously elected to 
the Speaker's chair, he entered on that high office, 
full of the warmest sentiments of loyalty to His 
Majesty, and a firm determination to dedicate his 




whole endeavours to preserve and transmit to his 
successor, inviolate, the rights and privileges of 
the Commons of Ireland. But that on the last 
day on the last session of parliament, His Ex- 
cellency the Lord Lieutenant was pleased to 
accuse the Commons of a great crime, which 
he was confident was as far from their inten- 
tions as from his — 1 that of intrenching upon His 
Majesty's royal power and authority, and the 
just and undoubted rights of the crown of Great 
Britain.' And, that, as it had pleased the House 
of Commons to take the first opportunity, after 
this transaction, of testifying their approbation of 
His Excellency's conduct, by voting him an ad- 
dress of thanks this session, and that as the de- 
livering such approbation to His Excellency is 
incidental to the office of Speaker, he begged leave 
to inform them, that as such thanks seemed to him 
to convey a censure of the proceedings and relin- 
quishment of the privileges of the Commons, his 
respect to them must prevent his being the instru- 
ment of delivering such an address. And there- 
fore, he requested the house may elect another 
Speaker, who may not think such conduct incon- 
sistent with his honour," 

This step on the part of Mr. Ponsonby, reflec- 
ting on him such high credit, and evincing such a 
high sense of honour, and such becoming spirit, 
was followed, most fortunately, by consequences 
very serviceable to the parliament and the country . 



[chap. VI. 

in the election of a successor. The choice fell 
upon Mr. Pery, who thereby acquired great influ- 
ence in the house, and with the government, which 
he never failed to turn to the advantage of his 
country. What Swift says of a Speaker, was in a 
great degree applicable here : — " It is the smallest 
part of an able Speaker's business what he per- 
forms in the house, at least if he be in with the 

Edmund Sexton Pery, Speaker of the House 
of Commons, and afterwards Lord Pery, came 
into Parliament in 1751. He had refused the 
office of Solicitor-General, which his friend, 
Mr. Gore (Lord Annaly) held. He possessed 
an acute, a bold, a capacious and a superior mind. 
Some men have a creative fancy ; he had a crea- 
tive judgment and sagacity. He saw many years 
farther into futurity than any other public man. 
He was an able politician, and much attached to 
Ireland. He advanced his country; he won the 
people by his speeches, and brought forth the 
resources of Ireland with great ability. In his 
speech at the bar of the Lords, in 1773, he laid 
the foundation for the freedom of her trade. A 
skilful leader, he knew how to advance and how 
to retire. He was one of the most honest men in 
existence; he never would have deceived any 
individual or any party ; he never would have 
sacrificed a public object or a public principle. 
He was possessed of the rarest and greatest ac- 




quirement a public man can wish for— a stern 
political fortitude that is proof against every 

Pery was the original fountain of all the good 
that befel Ireland ; her Corn Laws, her Tenantry 
Bill, her modus for Tithe, the independence of 
the Irish Parliament, and the Free Trade. He 
was one of the few men who really studied for 
the public good ; this seemed to be his only 
object, and in this lay his exquisite art : — for he 
was a political chemist, and had the peculiar 
talent to diminish in any question the bad and 
increase the good quality ; he had the strength of 
mind to encounter, or the sagacity to avoid, all 
difficulties. Men resorted to him as to an oracle, 
to consult and to advise ; and men of both parties 
came to him, because they knew he had more 
sense than themselves. His advice was like the 
criticism of Horace ; he gave it, but if you dis- 
sented, he did not press it. 

The Tenantry Bill was formed with his assist- 
ance. On the formation of this bill, Mr. Burgh 
objected to some of the clauses. Mr. Pery did 
not defend them, but requested Mr. Burgh would 
try and make others. He tried and failed, and 
then stated that the bill had better stand as it 
was. There were two other bills drafted, but 
that which he interfered in was the only one that 
should have passed. The difficulty did not arise 




from the nature of the bill, but of the House of 
Commons : and here the quickness of Mr. Pery 
was most useful : — in the debate in committee he 
carried it. Mr. Burgh, who had displayed on 
the occasion great principle and great talents, was 
rising to answer some of its opponents, and Mr. 
Pery, who was sitting by him, requested of him 
to have the question put instantly, and not to 
speak, because some persons had left the House, 
who, on their return, would have made a majority 
against the bill. The question was accordingly 
put and gained by a majority of three. Had it 
been delayed, Mr. Burgh would have answered 
the argument, and lost the question : he carried 
it by not defending it better. 

Pery had an original understanding, and a 
confidence in its superiority that made him strike 
out a line for himself. Other men became cour- 
tiers and continued so ; he did neither ; he began 
with the Government in 1753, and he voted with 
them on the question of the previous consent ; he 
concluded with the country, and not only sup- 
ported the constitution, but was a principal 
instrument in establishing it. 

Before his Corn Laws were introduced, the 
balance of import in corn was against Ireland ; 
and after them it was in its favour : he it was who 
turned the tide ; and his measure had this further 
merit, distinct from those which followed, — that it 




was an original idea, seemingly paradoxical, and 
discovered to be beneficial, first by the sagacity 
of the framer, — next by the event. 

On the subject of tithe — that fertile and ancient 
source of national disorder and distress — Pery 
formed a modus : it stands on the Journals of the 
House of Commons, and was moved by Mr. 
Pery. But there was another measure which 
crowned all the rest — which opened the way to 
all the good and all the glory that fell to the lot 
of Ireland ; this was making Ireland an armed 
nation. He knew the grand secret of human 
nature, independence, and he advised the Go- 
vernment to give out the militia arms to the volun- 
teers. Unde Genus Latinum : to these two mea- 
sures of Mr. Pery — the armed volunteers, and the 
Corn Bill — Ireland owed her bread and her liberty. 
He it was, too, who framed the clause that regu- 
lated the augmentation of the army, and made the 
army parliamentary. 

Pery's wisdom was distinguished by the cha- 
racter of boldness ; he possessed the attribute 
which Macbeth gives to Banquo — " 'tis much he 
dares ;" also a prudence that rendered him invulner- 
able. He never overshot himself; and his counsel, 
like Minerva issuing from the head of Jupiter, was 
armed and full of wisdom. 

Pery was, perhaps, the best speaker ever 
known in either House, or either kingdom ; and he 
eminently possessed all the requisites for so im- 



[CH\P. VI. 

portant and painful a situation. He had a com- 
posure, a gravity, a dignity, and an unfailing 
attention. His quality of mind communicated 
itself even to his motions. Other men filled the 
office well, but he stood superior. He never 
heard any thing he should not hear, nor saw any 
thing he should not see. He could shut his eyes 
and close his ears, and be struck with a universal 
and most seasonable palsy, so that you could get 
nothing from him that ought not to be displayed. 
He knew that the greatest violation of order, is an 
attempt to alter the nature of a popular assembly ; 
and he preserved it precisely as much as its nature 

In speaking, his manner was feeling, grave, and 
dignified ; in what he said, he was brief and sub- 
stantial. His addresses appear on the journals, 
and are drawn up with great ability. He was 
never declamatory ; the strongest and boldest 
opinions and sentiments he uttered in the calmest 
manner ; so that courage seemed the ordinary tem- 
perature of his mind, and not an effort. 

Pery decided the question in 1772, which 
came to the vote of the chair, against the divi- 
sion of the Boards of Revenue, and nobly availed 
himself of the opportunity to vindicate the privi- 
leges of the House of Commons. They had re- 
solved that an increase of the Commissioners of 
Revenue was not required ; but in despite of this 
vote, Government augmented them from seven to 

( II A P. VI.] 



eleven. It was then proposed that whoever ad- 
vised that measure had acted contrary to the 
sense of the House. The numbers were equal, 
106 for and against ; it came to the casting voice 
of the Speaker, who resented the insult that had 
been offered to the House, and said, " This is a 
question which involves the privileges of the 
Commons of Ireland. The noes have opposed 
the privilege ; the noes have been wrong — let the 
privileges of the Commons of Ireland stand unim- 
peached ; therefore I say the ayes have it!" 

Pery s eye kindled as he spoke ; and his ele- 
vated manner and tone were dignified and impres- 
sive. They were felt around, and the effect he 
produced was long remembered. 

Lord Townshend, who was faithful to his plan 
for dividing and destroying the aristocracy, used 
every effort to seduce men from the popular cause, 
and on one occasion, Mr. Pery found the effect 
of those exertions. He had joined with a party, 
on certain constitutional principles ; and it was 
agreed that they should strictly adhere to, and act 
by them, as the only principles on which they 
would accept office ; and in order to carry their 
object, it was settled that they were only to accept 
office all together. They all violated the compact, 
with the exception of Mr. Pery. He still con- 
sidered himself bound by it. He went to them, and 
told them, " You have broken your engagement, 
you have released me, but I shall still consider 



myself bound ; I will adhere to the compact, 1 will 
not take office, but I will never have any thing 
more to say to you." Lord Belvedere was one of 
those individuals. 

Pery was not only proof against corruption, but 
against resentment. The love of power, the love 
of patronage, to which the most immaculate poli- 
ticians have yielded, had, with him, neither weight 
nor attraction. He well knew that no man could 
long be Minister in Ireland, who was not a tool or a 
tyrant. He knew the unreality of that situation, 
in which the people expect more than they ought, 
and yet their idol cannot give them even what 
they have a right to expect ; that situation where 
a man is likely to encounter the hatred of two 
parties — his enemies and his friends. 

Pery was one of the few instances in which an 
Irishman stood superior to such perilous vanity. 
He knew well how to extricate himself from popu- 
larity, and from confidence. He never was ex- 
tremely popular, and therefore the people never 
turned upon him ; so that he never gave them an 
opportunity of showing any of their infirmities. It 
was the same with respect to Government. After 
the period beforementioned, he had no connection 
with the Government, and had nothing to say 
either to their follies or their crimes. He consi- 
dered it below the first commoner of the kingdom 
to be one of the servants of the crown, and was 
superior to the ambition of being a minister of the 




king, or a leader of the people ; and felt no temp- 
tation to violate the neutrality of his situation. 

On the whole, Pery's conduct affords a useful 
lesson to politicians, that if they mean to serve 
their country, they should keep clear of party, and 
more especially of a ministerial party; and that 
they should be on their guard, not merely against 
the influence of money, but against the still 
stronger influence of the vanity arising from confi- 
dence, and that position which exposes even the 
best to be led away. 

In private, Pery was a charming person ; it 
was impossible not to love him. His voice was 
singularly melodious ; and, like his manner, it 
pleased, captivated, and delighted. In his coun- 
tenance there was talent and address. 

Perhaps it was to be regretted that subsequently 
in the Lords, he did not take a part, — at least in their 
judicial proceedings. He would have preserved 
that unfortunate assembly from many errors, and 
have deprived it of some of the strongest argu- 
ments that it adduced to establish its incapacity. 
He possessed a dignity that Malone wanted, and 
would have stood where Malone would have 
sunk ; but he had not so vigorous nor so strong a 
mind as Malone's, though it was more active and 
more acute ; he possessed, also, a species of 
courage that Malone wanted. Malone was power- 
ful in statement ; though his reasoning and his legal 
knowledge were not very great. Hutchinson 



[chap. VI. 

would have made a more splendid oration — Ma- 
lone a better argument — and Pery would have 
surpassed both, in both particulars. There was 
not, at that period, the fine eloquence of later days. 
The age was not so refined, nor the style so 
polished, or so perfect. But they were great 
times, and these were great men ; and for the 
honour of posterity, it must be said that, in the 
finest time of his country, Lord Pery acted well. 
If he was not perfect, it is only because no states- 
man is perfect. But, for a young man, Lord 
Pery was the model. I do not know whether 
his name will descend to posterity ; but if it does 
not, it is because his country, having lost her par- 
liamentary constitution, does not now afford a 
mansion ample enough for his reputation. 



Mr. Grattan at the Temple. — His character of Lord Chatham. — Letter 
to Mr. Broome. — Death of Mr. G rattan's sister. — Mr. Grattan at 
Windsor Forest — his eccentric habits. — Judge Day's account of him 
at this period. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — The same to the 
same. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Robert Day. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. 
Broome. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Robert Day. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. 
Broome. — The same to the same. — Death of Mr. Grattan's mother. — 
Colonel Marlay to Mr. Grattan. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — 
Mr. Grattan's grief at the loss of his mother. 

In 1 7G7 Mr. Grattan went to London, and was 
entered in Michaelmas Term as student of the 
Middle Temple. The absurd and useless form of 
sending Irishmen to London in order to qualify 
them to practise at the bar in Ireland, is one of 
the badges of servitude long worn by the people 
of that country. It has no recommendation in 
point of principle, and is only to be excused in- 
asmuch as it takes the young mind from a narrow 
and prejudiced locality, and tends to make it 





expand in a freer region, where liberty is more 
prevalent, and where the doctrines enforced in a 
colony cease to contaminate. Yet the practice is 
not without its dangerous concomitants. Youth, 
at its most vigorous and tempting period, is left to 
range in the greatest capital in the world, free 
from restraint, and amidst pleasures and allure- 
ments of every kind ; for as to studying law at 
the age of twenty-one in London, that seldom 
seriously occupies the mind or the time of any 

Mr. Grattan's tendencies were of a different 
sort; the pursuits he followed were of a nobler 
nature. The galleries of the House of Commons, 
and the bar of the Lords, had for him greater 
attractions than the pleasures of the metropolis ; 
and to them he devoted his evenings in listening, his 
nights in recollecting, and his days in copying the 
great orators of the time. Lord Chatham was his 
chief attraction ; the splendour, the original bold- 
ness of style, the impassioned bursts of oratory, 
and the dramatic delivery, made great impression 
on Mr, Grattan ; and he then drew the celebrated 
character* of that individual, which has been so 
often alluded to. 

The following is dated at the period now 
referred to : — 

* See Mr. Grattan's Miscellaneous Works, and the Preface to his 
Speeches, vol. i; 



I 15 


London, November 3, 17<>7. 

After a shameful silence for so many weeks, I sit 
down with a dissipated head and a bad pen, to write to 
the best friend I have in the world. I have left retire- 
ment, but have not left myself: the same despondency, the 
same fermentation of mind, — ' miseros tumult us Qnimj^ 
the Roman poet would have called them, — depress and 
agitate me with alternate distraction. The consciousness of 
this intellectual anarchy is an additional disease; it makes 
me repine,but cannot reform me. I am determining to form 
a plan of life totally new, and to break through every 
obstacle that would impede it. Some other conceit may 
fritter this new creation, and drive me upon some other 
rock, where I may receive a similar shipwreck. 

I dined with iMacaulay yesterday. We talked much 
of you. Your health I particularly inquired after, and 
cannot say I am perfectly satisfied about it. That languor, 
that occasional fever, that attend you of late, make me 
condemn your indolence, that rather waits for the depar- 
ture of the disorder than drives it away. Our friend Ma- 
caulay seems happy in the connubial state ; he speaks as a 
man attached and contented, and like a missionary of 
Hymen, preaches his dominion to all. I am too well ac- 
quainted with my own inequalities, as well as too poor to 
receive the yoke, and become a votarist even in so chaste a 
cause. You and I, in this, as in most other things, perfectly 
agree; we think marriage an artificial, not a natural insti- 
tution, and imagine woman too frail a bark for so long 
and so tempestuous a voyage as that of life. I long 
infinitely to argue with you upon matters of philosophy. 
My principles, when we parted, had got a little the start 

I 2 




of your's in eccentricity ; though the precept of the world 
would recal me, its conduct confirms my deviation. I 
have become an epicurean philosopher ; consider this world 
as our ' ne plus ultra,' and happiness as our great object 
in it. The sensualities, the vices, the insignificance, and 
the pursuits of mankind, are arguments in favour of this 
conviction. To a man steeped in vice, and therefore alarmed 
by fear, such philosophy would be influence ; but to one 
who is neither devoted to vice, nor afraid of its penalties, 
I fear it is REASON. Such a subject is too extensive and too 
dangerous for a letter; in our privacy we shall dwell on it 
more copiously. I find it is vain to solicit you from your 
native country, though health as well as friendship might 
be relieved by such an excursion. I shall, therefore, 
endeavour to visit you, since you will not visit me, and if 
it be in my power I shall go to Ireland the beginning of 
the next month, or more likely the latter end of this. I 
hope you may be in Dublin at that time, as you are the 
most flattering contemplation I have in my projected 

Yours ever, 

Henry Grattan. 

In 1767, Mr. Grattan lost his sister Catherine, 
whom he most loved. His feelings, on this occa- 
sion, were those of intense grief ; and he wrote 
upon her death, in a strain of the most passionate 
and despairing affection. His sorrow for her loss, 
and his love for the country, led him from the 
scenes of London. He chose the spot that Pope 
has immortalized in verse ; and took up his abode 
at Sunning Hill, near Windsor Forest. His de- 
light was to ramble through the groves and green 




retreats of that charming solitude. His passion 
in the country — his perpetual pursuit — was poli- 
tics. His mind was wholly engrossed with their 
object ; he thought of nothing else ; and his 
attendance on both Houses of Parliament seemed 
to have rivetted his mind to the subject. 

Mr. Grattan's manner at this time was so sin- 
gular, that at one of the places where he resided 
with his friend Day, the landlady imagined, not 
only that he was an eccentric character, but that 
he was deranged ; and she complained to one of 
his friends that the gentleman used to walk up and 
down in her garden most of the night, speaking 
to himself; and, though alone, he was addressing 
some one on all occasions by the name of " Mr. 
Speaker that it was not possible he could be in 
his senses, and she begged they would take him 
away ; and that if they did, she would forgive him 
all the rent that was due ! 

A letter that I have received from his friend 
Day, gives a more exact account of his manner of 
living and his occupation at that period. Having 
applied to him regarding some question on the 
Declaration of Rights, he very kindly replied as 
follows : — 


Loughlinstown House, May 28, 1838. 


On the subject of your inquiry I cannot, after such 
a lapse of years, be capable to afford you any important 




information. Both natives of the same country, I had the 
honour of a familiar acquaintance with Lord Shelburne, 
then [1782] Prime Minister, and aware that I was a 
zealous volunteer and the delegate from that county 
[Kerry], to the National Convention, my much-lamented 
friend selected me for the channel of communication with 
his lordship on the vital question which then agitated 
Ireland. I can never forget the distinguished courtesy 
and complacency with which his lordship received the 
question and its bearer, and I have not a doubt that he 
took up the subject with the feelings of an Irishman and 
the anxiety of a sincere patriot. 

But the success of that measure, as well as the 
originating of it, was mainly, if not altogether, owing to 
the eloquence and talents of Grattan, who from earliest 
life repudiated with indignation the dependence of the 
Irish Parliament, and resolved to assert even by arms, if 
driven to them, the liberties of Ireland. On that subject 
you cannot possess any authority now, or at any time 
living, equal to mine. I had the happiness and privilege 
of his bosom friendship, without an hour's interruption, to 
the day of his sad death, from our cotemporaneous life in 
college, where he soon distinguished himself by a brilliant 
elocution, a tenacious memory, and abundance of classical 
acquirement. He always took great delight in frequent- 
ing the galleries, first of the Irish, and then of the English 
House of Commons, and the bars of the Lords. You 
probably possess his brilliant character of Lord Chatham, 
whom he adored ; indeed, on referring to your works, I 
find it set out, in extenso, to use a pedantic expression. 

We lived in the same chambers in the Middle Temple, 
and took a house in Windsor Forest, commanding a 
beautiful landscape; he delighted in romantic scenery. 
Between both, we lived together three or four years, the 
happiest period of my life. I am angry, that in your 




introductory life of him you are altogether silent of those 
years, so variegated and full of adventure and enterprise 1 
However, I admit that it could not be expected, or even 
desired, that in so brief a sketch you should have noticed 
much of his private history. 

When we resided in Windsor Forest, he would spend 
whole moonlight nights rambling and losing himself in the 
thickest plantations. He would sometimes pause and ad- 
dress a tree in soliloquy, thus preparing himself early for 
that assembly which he was destined in later life to adorn. 
One morning he amused us at breakfast, with an adventure 
of the night before, in the forest. In one of those midnight 
rambles he stopped at a gibbet, and commenced apostro- 
phizing the chains in his usual animated strain, when he 
suddenly felt a tap on his shoulder, and on turning about, 
was accosted by an unknown person — 44 How the devil did 
you get down ?" To which the rambler calmly replied — 
u Sir, T suppose you have an interest in that question !" 

These observations, I fear, will appear to you a crude 
effusion, but certainly not cold ; they are warm from the 
heart. I greedily seize any occasion that crosses my path, 
of dilating on the virtues and much-honoured memory, of 
my lost and most attached friend. 

Ever faithfully yours, 

Rob. Day * 

* " It was at the Temple that he got acquainted with Dr. Duigenan. 
I introduced them to each other; and Duigenan, thinking to please 
Grattan, commenced a furious phillippic against Dr. Lucas, knowing 
that his father, (the Recorder) had been his great opponent. Grattan 
defended Lucas, and thought he had been harshly treated by the Irish 
parliament. The conversation grew warm ; the parties differed on those 
important subjects, the prerogative and the people. Grattan replied, 
and I was afraid he would have attacked Duigenan. However, they 
parted, and in the evening, Grattan came to the Grecian, where we used 





Sunning Hill, Jan, 13£A, 1768. 

My Dear Broome, 
I received your letter this day ; it gave me great pleasure, 
and at the same time pain. Happy to hear from my 
friend, I am afflicted at the feeble state in which he repre- 
sents himself. I have left London some time, rather to be 
studious than sociable ; my society is well-tempered, rather 
than contemplative, and had made my exile agreeable, but 
for a melancholy event which has lately impaired my 
family happiness, and the bad tidings of your health, that 
impairs the comforts that arise from friendship : the event 
I speak of, you probably heard — the death of a sister, whom 
I loved extremely. I introduced you to her the day 
before we separated. Her goodness, her manners, her ac- 
complishments, entitled her to the highest regard. I 
never knew dispositions more amiable, or an understanding 
better regulated ; the most disinterested friendship, the 
warmest affection, and the meekest gentleness united in 
her composition ; her death was sudden, and overtook the 
account of her sickness. My sister, who waited on her in 
her last moments, gave a minute and a melancholy account 
of them. She retained her senses to the last, languished 
with the most resigned patience, and expired with the 
calmest fortitude. As I write this mournful narrative, I 
can scarce refrain from tears ; there was a time I could 
not think of her death with moderation ; I now think myself 
criminal for sustaining it so tranquilly. I say my happiness 

to meet, with a long sword by his side. Duigenan did not make his 
appearance, but he wrote a poem criticizing Grattan's figure, with his 
long sword. It was comical, and I showed it to your father, who was 
amused by the humorous turn, and so the affair ended. Perhaps it was 
owing to this trifling incident, that the animosity was engendered, which 
displayed itself afterwards throughout Duigenan's character and conduct.'' 




is invaded by these sad events, and I am taught to believe, 
my departure from Ireland was a separation for ever. I 
am glad you study ; application is at once a relief and im- 
provement. The book you speak of I will read, convinced 
to find entertainment from what you recommend so 
strongly. Our friend Macaulay is married ; the lady is a 
Miss Murphy, of a Jamaica extraction, as well as of estate 
She is just of age, sensible, but not beautiful ; possesses 
an income of five hundred pounds a year. I have not as 
yet seen her, but have received this information. 

As the fortune is in another country, it is impossible to 
ascertain it ; it is reported more than I have informed you, 
I believe 'tis near as much. Farewell : heaven bless you ! 
Your participation can uphold me against any misfortunes, 
and without it I know of no prosperity that could make 
me happy. I have lost a sister ; to lose my best, my oldest, 
my most passionate friend, would be an addition to misery 
scarce supportable. I am scarce yet sufficiently inured to 
affliction, to bear such an aggravation of it with philosophic 
patience. I have learned, from a familiarity with death, 
to look on it amicably ; the loss of you would make me 
think it desirable. I shall never have, never desire a 
second friend like you, and if we must separate for ever, I 
should desire death as a comfortable oblivion. I curse our 
distance, that puts it out of my power to see you, to assist 
you, to hear from you, and dread the anxious interval 
between the enquiry and the information. 

Afflicted and disturbed, I write this page after the 
family have retired. I find the moments gloomy and dis- 
consolate, and suggesting the most uncomfortable feelings 
— affliction for one friend that I have lost, and fear for 
another that is in danger. Once more, heaven bless you ! 
If we meet again we shall be happy ; if not, I shall remem- 
ber you to my dying moments, convinced that I can never 


have a friend I love so well, or lose a friend I should regret 
so much. 

Your's most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

mr. grattan to the same. 

Sunning Hill, February 25th, 1768. 
I received your letter with more satisfaction, and re- 
main in less anxiety than hitherto. I am glad that sink 
of prostitution, the Irish Parliament, is to be drained oc- 
tennially. This will controul it, if it cannot amend, and 
may improve what is in the last stage of putrefaction, and 
cannot change without being bettered. 

Hutchinson resembles the setting sun, and throws a 
lustre on the quarter he leaves ; the rest of the old court 
party that have been corrupt — expediencers for so many 
ages — honour the cause they forsake ; and, like the black 
train of physic, inform the neighbourhood of their patients' 
health, by their departure. The same bartering, the same 
venality, which you mention as commencing in Ireland, 
reigns in England with avowed dominion. The Corpora- 
tion of Oxford has sold its representation. Being brought 
before the House of Commons, it made no defence, and 
being committed to jail, it sent a declaration of penitence, 
concluding at the same time that sale it was punished for 
attempting. This is astonishing; that no further penalty is 
inflicted on this bold prostituted body, is more so. 

Do not expect news from me — retired in the country, 
I hear of none. The note of some bird, which the March 
wind scatters about, is the sound I am at present most ac- 
customed to. As to re-visiting Ireland before I go to 
remain there, it is my intention ; to see you, is not the 
least prevalent motive to this. 

I am determined, if we live, to spend some time in the 




country with you, and you ouly, that we may indulge that 
sympathy which distance and company are equal embarras- 
ments to. In age our inequality is little ; the differences less 
in fortune ; and, I hope, in health, it will be nothing at all. 

My sister's marriage makes me very happy ; her hus- 
band's situation and character are highly eligible.* 

Macaulay's connection, I hope, and I believe, is fortu- 
nate ; but whenever marriage is in the case, I always re- 
joice that I am not the happy man. 

Yours affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

mr. grattan to robert day, esq. 

Sunninrj Hill, March V3th, 1768. 

My dear Day, 
I did hope to hear from you, or to see you ; had you 
told me you could not come to the country, I should have 
left it ; but as Lovett and Tydd were to depart imme- 
diately, I imagined solitude would have driven you here. 

Have you heard anything about a house in the country? If 
you cannot hear of one close to the sea, some miles from it 
would make bathing exercise. The time approaches when it 
will be convenient to settle for the summer ; if you cannot 
hear of one near the sea (of which success I have, I hope, 
ill-founded apprehensions), enquire about one not very far 
from London, and we will go together for some time to the 
sea, as an excursion. I shall go to London on Monday. 
I laid down a task, the breaking the neck of the law, as I 
called it ; but have violated my resolution, and postponed 
my business. 

I wonder you never wrote. I have been alone for three 

* Mr. Bushe, member of the Irish Parliament. His three daughters 
were distinguished for their beauty, wit, and humour. One married the 
Bishop of Kilmore; another, Sir John Power; the third, John Scott, 
Dean of Lismore. 




days, left to the bead-ache and myself. Sam and his 
brothers are likely to agree ; he will not, I fear, marry 
Anne ; though she bas been in the house with him, under 
the care of Mrs. Sawyer's* sister. We must go there 
for some time before we leave Sunning Hill, or he will 
imagine we are offended, as a report has gone out to that 
purpose. I shall say nothing of Irish politics, in order to 
leave you an apology. 

Yours, most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

P. S. — If Tydd is in town, which I suppose he is not, 
tell him he is a bad fellow, and give my love to him. Re- 
member my compliments to Lovett, and assure him I 
should be extremely obliged to him to let me have the par- 
liamentary history for a month or two longer, unless he has 
the least occasion for it ; assure him I shall take great care. 


Sunning Hill, March 22nd, 1768. 

Neither a disgust at the dissipations of London, nor a 
passion for solitude, have solely inclined me to this retreat 
at Sunning Hill ; the difficulty to apply in London, and 
the encouragement to study in the country, have dictated 
this sanctuary. ^1 find some moments melancholy enough, 
and study does not always relieve me; my nature, you 
know, is desponding; and my application not strenuous 
enough to fortify it. I wish ardently it may be in my 
power to see you before many years expire. I flatter myself 
you may come here ; inclination is always ready to come to 
England, if power will second it ; — and your letter gives 
me hopes you will soon have the latter, as I believe you 
long have had the former. 

I know not whether to be most pleased at your reco- 

* The individual at whose house they resided. 




very, or anxious about its being complete; care, I am 
sure you will take for my sake, as well as your own. 

In a few weeks I shall revisit London, and remain in 
it ; it were happy for me, if I could find in it some few that 
were to my mind ; a contrariety of dispositions, and of 
habits, obliges me often, either to forfeit society, or to sa- 
crifice to it. 

I know nothing of the town at present; and when I 
write to you, I write the language of my heart, not the 
style of a newspaper. 

The country I am in, is most beautiful ; there is an 
antiquity and wildness in the woodlands here, infinitely 
surpassing what I have met with. Whole tracts of coun- 
try covered with nature, without the least interval of art: 
these are the forest of Windsor which Pope has sung of, 
with so much elegance, and which has been a sanctuary, 
as well as a theme, to the master of poetry. 

Macaulay is in Ireland ; have you seen him? His wife, 
I hear, is sensible ; you have probably seen her, and can 
inform me. 

I could wish you would call to see my mother and 
sisters ; they mention to me that you called, and regret 
that they were not at home ; they have a high esteem for 
you, and will be happy to see you. Have you been much 
with our old college set. Irwin* wrote to me some time 
ago. and I blush to recollect that I have not answered his 
letter ; do you see him often ? Remember me to him, and to 
Fitz-gibbon f, who was so friendly as to write me a letter 
some time ago. Write soon, and believe me, 

Yours most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

* This individual took the chair at the Dungannon Convention in 1782. 
| This was Lord Clare, Attorney-General and Chancellor of Ireland. 



Tuesday j May, 1768. 

My Dear Day, 

You will be affected when I tell you, that our old 
friend, your admirer, and my rural acquaintance, poor 
Mrs. Sawyer, is dead ; she expired yesterday of a fever, 
under which she had languished for three weeks. I found 
her in that situation, and therefore came to Price's imme- 
diately. She was possessed of her reason when she died, 
and spoke about me in her last moments ; her consti- 
tution was long ready for death, and grasped at the first 

1 do not intend to return to London for some time. I 
read, and find in the long-room infinite satisfaction. Fitz- 
gibbon is here — he is good-humoured and sensible — he im- 
proves much upon an intimacy. I have been tolerably 
well since I came to the country, except that my new and 
teazing acquaintance, the head-ache, presides over me with 
a sullen perseverance. If you would come to the country, 
we might live here or at Sawyer's, for two or three weeks : 
but while you have health you will not leave London ; 
bring or send me down half a pound of White's tea. 

My love to Tydd ; if he don't go to Bath, persuade him 
to come here. 


Henry Grattan. 

P. S. If any person is going to Ireland, let us know, 
as I have a bag of seeds of the evergreen oak, to send to 
Bushe ; they are at the Grecian Coffee House. Send an 
account of Irish politics. 





London, May 19fh, 17()8. 
The delay I have been guilty of, must be imputed to 
that very dissipation of company, and that want of mental 
activity, which my friend complains of, and which too often 
suspends our correspondence. The method by which you 
explain early attachment, is well founded; I fear it is 
fatally so; I fear, we love the companions of our boyhood, 
because we were most happy in the days of boyhood: that 
we are less happy in youth than we were in those days, is 
but too true; that we shall be happier in old age cannot 
be expected. The subject is wide and affecting; however, 
it suggests ideas too melancholy, and points out circum- 
stances and persons too moving. J shall go to some other 

Parliament has met, and a few days after its meeting, 
enforced the order of exclusion, so that one branch of enter- 
tainment is totally amputated. I was present at one 
debate before the execution of the order ; it arose on an 
address to be presented to His Majesty, expressing the 
satisfaction of parliament at the measures taken to sup- 
press the recent tumults, and promising the succour of 
parliament to all such measures as might further be found 
necessary. The intent and tendency of this, was to get par- 
liament to approve of the present administration, and to 
promise to support it. The opposition spoke against the 
address, but did not vote; so that, it passed without a 
negative. Lord North, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
a man versed in state mystery, and learned in finances, spoke 
in defence of the court, in a manner impetuous, not rapid ; 
full of cant, not melody ; and deserved the eulogium 
of a fervent speaker, not a great one. Grenville, on the 
part of the opposition, was peevish and wrangling, and 
provoked those whom he could not defeat. 




Burke, the only orator I have yet heard, in the House 
of Commons here, (and this character arises from his 
matter, not his delivery,) was ingenious, oratorical, un- 
daunted ; he treated the ministry with high contempt, and 
displayed with most animated derision, their schemes and 
purposes. The sketch of the speech I send you, was taken 
a day or two after I heard it ; I wrote it imperfectly, most 
certainly, but to the best of my memory, which is gene- 
rally not very faithful. 

I have been at Ranelagh, a splendid, tiresome amuse- 
ment. Macau lay is expected the latter end of this month ; 
his affections are strong, but his life frequently too dissi- 
pated to let them operate ; they are radical, but become 
suspicious by the negligence with which he pursues them. 

I am glad you saw my mother ; she has a high idea of 
you, and was glad of the interview. 

Most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

mr. grattan to the same. 

Southstonam, near Southampton, 
August 14, 1768. 

There are times, my dear Broome (at least I feel 
such), when we lose every pleasing sensation when our 
relish is suspended, and self-dissatisfaction becomes the 
state of the intellect. At times like these I dare not write 
to you, and be sure whenever I am guilty of delay, not 
regard, but my mental economy is impaired. 

The country and my situation are agreeable, and my 
state of mind for the most part equally regulated. I have 
moments (I dare say you have them also) of despondency, 
regret, apathy, and the rest of that deadly train that dis- 
turb our peace and defeat our purposes. They do not 
continue long ; born without cause, without cause they 




vanish. I am reading at present the parliamentary de- 
bates, performances that abound with natural reasoning, 
and easy expression, but cannot pretend to precision or 

I have dipped into a little English history. Lord 
Clarendon is amusing and instructive, but culpable in his 
language, his method, his partiality. Burnet is vain and 
unclassical, his knowledge extensive, his understanding 

Hume is the only author who, from his abilities'and com- 
pass, deserves the title of an English historian. Lord Bo- 
lingbroke has a rapidity that gives him sometimes a real, 
and always a seeming superiority over those he contends 
against ; his language is strenuous, his censures presump- 
tuous, his spirit prodigious, his affectation of language 
great, his affectation of despising it still greater. Next to 
Moses, Plato seems to be his great detestation. Pity he 
should so desert the doctrine he sets out to inculcate, and 
that he should, as you will find at the latter end, fear to 
avow conclusions he SEEMS so fairly to have deduced. I 
was for a fortnight this last Spring in the country, totally 
alone. I never knew more rapturous moments than I 
sometimes felt in that solitude. The part of your letter 
which mentions your preferment, it is unnecessary to tell 
you, does not give me a trifling pleasure ; your health, 
which is my more essential concern, I find is in your own 
power, and therefore shall charge you with all its vicis- 

My companions in the country, I believe I mentioned 
to you before,— a Mr. Derby and a Mr. Loveitt, both very 
amiable and well-informed. 

Most eternally and affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 





In November, 1768, Mr. Grattan sustained 
another and a more severe loss, in the death of 
his mother, who died at Calvertstown, after an 
illness of a few days. This took place while he 
was in London, and so suddenly, that she had not 
time to make, according to her intention, a formal 
disposition of her reversion to a landed property 
which she meant to leave to her son. The pro- 
perty passed in consequence to another branch of 
the family. The intelligence was communicated 
to him by his relation, in the following letter : — 


Calvertstown, November 3rd, 1768. 
My dear Harry, 

I have at present very few words to say to you, and 
those are of the most melancholy kind. I well know the 
tenderness of your disposition, and the warmth of your 
feelings; therefore I find greater pain in communicating 
to you the unhappy event that happened here last Tues- 
day. Your mother, after an illness of six days (during 
which time she was attended with the most affectionate 
care), was at last so oppressed by pain and weakness, that 
all hopes of her recovery were despaired of. She expired 
last Tuesday, and left all her family and friends in the 
deepest affliction. Sleigh attended her constantly, and 
stayed in her room two nights. The only physician of 
character in the country, was sent for : he said, she had 
been treated properly ; but her disorders were so many, 
and her strength so exhausted, that it was not in the power 
of medicine to relieve her. 



I shall not attempt to offer you any consolation on this 
occasion: I judge from my own feelings, what you must 
suffer; and I am well convinced time is the best, the only 
comforter in these cases. 

When the pangs of your grief are softened, you will 
reflect with pleasure on the prudence, fortitude, and inte- 
grity of your mother, who, in the midst of the severest 
trials, showed a firmness and resolution, that proved the 
soundness of her judgment, and the uprightness of her 
heart. It is a happiness and an honor to be the son of such 
a mother. I most warmly wish you may resemble her in 
every thing, but her misfortune. 

I am, my dear Harry, 

Your most affectionate, &c. 

R. Mar lay. 

This afflicting intelligence was also communi- 
cated by his friend Broome, to whom he wrote 
the following in reply : — 


London, November 14, 1768. 

My dear Friend, 
The pleasure I ever receive from your correspondence was 
considerably abated, when 1 received your last letter, which 
was accompanied by some of the bitterest lines I ever 

I am now too familiar with death to be violently sur- 
prised or afflicted by it. If any misfortune is insupportable, 
it ought to be that which has lately befallen me. You know 
the partiality my mother had towards me. A thousand ten- 
der incidents occur to afflict me, which I shall not now 
dwell upon. I shall, therefore, not recount the merit or 

k 2 




the kindness of my mother ; the obligations I owe her are 
too great, and too many, to be forgot or repeated. 

My friend, Macaulay, I see often ; he has been particu- 
larly attentive and affectionate to me ; there is something 
in his conversation entertaining and relieving, the more so 
now, that he has become regular and domestic ; he has 
taken a house in London, and is led by his inclination to 
make his residence here. If any one be so unfortunate as 
to outlive his connexions, and be so wise as to relish 
obscurity, London is the place one would wish to be 
lost in. 

Write to me soon, and expect a speedy and a fuller 

Yours, my dear Broome, 

Most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

On this melancholy occasion, he wrote to his 
friends in the most passionate and affecting terms. 
The following are some extracts from his letters 
on that occasion : — 

" You were the only woman in the world who loved 
me. I blush that I bear your death with such tranquillity. 
The love you bore me, — the thousand kindnesses I have 
received from you — your tenderness, your anxiety, your 
liberality, your maternal concern for me — are a most 
affecting and wounding consideration. To remember 
these obligations with the gratitude they deserve, makes 
your death insupportable." ###'### » Your 
good sense, your meekness in misfortune, your fortitude 
in suffering, the judicious love you distributed among your 
children, your generous negligence of yourself, place you 


among- the first of women. A thousand amiable instances 
of your virtues, a thousand mutual obligations that inter- 
wove our affections, crowd on me and afflict me. Your 
incomparable qualities torment me now, though I was 
formerly proud to recollect them. Heaven forbid that 
you should only live in the memory of those who knew 
your virtues, and that such merit should have no reward, 
but the tears and adoration of those that survive you ! " 



Mr. Bushe. — Mr. Flood.— Sir Hercules Langrishe. — Private Theatricals. 
— The American War.— Mr. Bushe to Mr. Grattan.— Mr. Marlay to 
Mr. Grattan.—" Single Speech/ 7 Hamilton —Mr. Grattan to Mr. 
Broome.— Wilks.— Fatal Duel.— Mr. Flood : Tried.— Mr. Bushe to 
Mr. Grattan. — M. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — The same to the same. 
— Private Theatricals in Ireland.— Mr. Grattan' to Mr. Broome. — 
Mr. Grattan to Mr. Day. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — Mr. Grattan 
to the same. — Mr. Day to Mr. Grattan.— Mr. Grattan to Mr. Day. 

In 1768, Mr. Grattan's eldest sister married Mr. 
Gervase Parker Bushe, a gentleman of family and 
fortune in the county of Kilkenny, whose name 
will be often mentioned in the subsequent pages. 
Mr. Bushe was Member of Parliament for the 
Borough of Callan. This marriage led to a close 
intimacy hetween Mr. Grattan and Mr. Flood, 
whose seat was in the above-named county, and 
of whom Mr. Grattan had heard much, and whose 
talents and principles he admired. Mr. Flood 
used to read and discuss with him on political 




subjects. He was the author of several letters 
that were published under the name of Synder- 
combe ; and that inveighed against Lord Towns- 
hend's government. In these publications, Mr. 
Grattan took part ; and from the society of Mr. 
Flood, he derived much advantage. 

Private theatricals being then in fashion, Mr. 
Grattan acted along with Mr. Flood, Mr. Bushe, 
and Mr., afterwards Sir Hercules Langrishe. Mr. 
Flood was a good actor ; his line was austere 
pathos ; he did not possess the humour and plea- 
santry that were the peculiar qualities of Sir Her- 
cules ; but he was his rival for fame, even on the 
stage of private life. 

Mr. Flood was of considerable use to Mr. 
Grattan in his younger days. He assisted in 
bringing him forward, and encouraging him to 
enter public life. They wrote — they argued — they 
debated together : but Flood's style was too arti- 
ficial ; and he was not a good model for a young 

The American war, that aroused every lover of 
liberty, called forth the efforts of those who, 
though removed from the scene of action, were 
not insensible to the principles of justice, and the 
struggles of freedom. Mr. Bushe and Mr. Grattan 
were, in this respect, American ; — Mr. Flood was 
not so. Mr. Bushe published a pamphlet on the 
subject of American taxation, which was excellent 
in style and principle, and was much admired at 


the time by an eager public, as well as by Mr. 
Grattan, to whom he wrote on the subject, as 
follows : — 


Kilfane j near Gowran t 
January 18£/i, 1769. 

My dear Sir, 
I shall in a very few days fulfil my threat of sending 
you the pamphlet I mentioned, but I take the liberty to 
give you first another trouble. Mr. Griffith tells me that 
a second edition of ' The case of Great Britain and Ame- 
rica/ is coming out. I have made a good many additions 
to it, and hope it will be better, and also better printed 
than the first. As Griffith carried it to the printer, it is 
not unlikely he has been given out as the author of it. If 
so, I should be sorry ; for it would not assist its reputation 
to be attributed to him. The pamphlet which I shall soon 
send you, bids much fairer for fame. Besides other merits, 
it has some nice calculations, and a very good invective 
against George Grenville*, whom I hope you hate. If 

* The following were the remarks of Mr. Grattan an his speech ; — 
" When I went to London to the Temple, the first person 1 heard speak 
was George Grenvilie. He talked of American taxation, and of the in- 
disputable law of the realm that gave that right ; and he extended this to 
Ireland. It made a great impression upon me, and I felt very much at 
the time ; and I recollect taking great pains to answer him. I wrote a 
reply, which I thought was very good, and with much care ; but it 
touched every point, except the question : — it stood clear of that. How- 
ever, this had great effect upon me, and was of much service. It im- 
pressed on my mind a horror of this doctrine ; and I believe it was 
owing to this speech of George Grenville's, that I became afterwards so 
very active in my opposition to the principles of British Government in 


mine has any merit, it has but one — that of brevity. There 
is nothing stirring in this country. If any thing has hap- 
pened in London, besides what the papers contain, you 
would oblige me by writing a line or two. 

I am, my dear Sir, 
Your very affectionate friend and brother, 

G. P. Bushe. 

By means of his uncle Marlay, Mr. Grattan was 
introduced to a distinguished individual at that 
time — Wm. Gerard Hamilton, Secretary to Lord 
Halifax in 1761. 


Tunhridge, 9th July, 1769. 

Dear Harry, 

Every day this fortnight I have expected the pleasure 
of seeing you here. The country is wild and extremely 
pleasant ; the company few ,• the public rooms empty, and 
generally as cool as a grot. 

Are you now with the Bushes, or are they gone to 
Ireland ? I suppose you have taken Nightingale Hall for 
the summer season. You will find your situation perfectly 
happy, if you can see it with the enthusiastic partiality of 
Langrishe, which converted four elms into a large forest, 
and one poor sparrow into ten thousand nightingales. Mrs. 
Langrishe would be much pleased if she could infuse into 
George the warm imagination of his master, and make him 
take a solitary chop for a shoulder of mutton ; — but unfor- 
tunately for her economy, George considers the chop in its 
true proportion, and sees and feels he dines in miniature. 

I live with Hamilton.* His understanding is excellent; 

* William Gerard Hamilton, in November, 1755, delivered that single 
speech upon which his reputation exclusively rested. "Young Mr. Ha- 


and his manner, when he is at ease, is lively and pleasing. 
We read together every day, and sometimes dispute mode- 
rately. 1 wish you had come to this place. You would 
have made an agreeable, and perhaps a useful acquaint- 
ance. I go to London next Sunday. 

Yours sincerely, 

Richard Marlay. 

mr. grattan to mr. broome. 

Temple, Feb. V7th, 1769. 

My Dear Broome, 
Forgive my tardiness, and pity the indisposition of my 
mind, instead of reproving my delay. A breast, the slave 
of a thousand discordant passions ; now intoxicated with 
company, now saddening in solitude ; sometimes disturbed 
with hope, sometimes depressed with despair, and equally 

milton," says Horace Walpole, who was present, " opened for the first 
time in behalf of the treaties, and was at once perfection. His speech 
was set, and was full of antitheses, but those antitheses were full of argu- 
ment ; and he broke through the regularity of his own composition, 
answered other people, and fell into his own track again with the 
greatest ease. His figure is advantageous, his voice strong and clear, his 
manner spirited, and the whole with the ease of an established speaker. 
You will ask what could be beyond this ? Nothing, but what was beyond 
whatever was — and that was Pitt !" In December following Mr. Hamil- 
ton was rewarded with a seat at the Board of Trade; in 1761, he was 
appointed Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; and for many 
years held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer of that kingdom. 
He died in 1796. In one of his letters to Mr. Calcraft, 1764, he writes 
— " It is thought that the move as to Ireland, is still in agitation; this 
is all the news of the day. I need not tell you I am not so situated 
as to have any other information — nor do I wish it. Last summer has 
convinced me that books are the true things to abide by. My full intention 
is to follow your example, and to leave off business " — Correspondence 
of the Earl of Chatham, vol. ii. p. 299. 




ravaged with each ; disgusted often, and often precipitately 
enamoured ; all this makes me poor in my own esteem, and 
unkind in yours. 

I live in the Temple, where I have taken convenient 
chambers, that promote study. If ever we meet, we shall 
talk of these times with more happiness than we have 
passed through them. 

Macaulav, now Boyd, is now in Ireland, and probably 
has seen you. I saw him just before his departure, and 
desired him to tell you I was pregnant of matter to com- 
municate to you. Bermingham, our amiable friend, has 
accompanied bim. The seeing you, is the only circum- 
stance that makes me envy their expedition. 

Wilks was returned again for Middlesex without op- 
position, last Thursday, and last Friday was expelled. The 
minority is numerous and respectable ; the event of a third 
return, (which is not doubted) will probably be violent; 
some outrageous act of ministerial oppression, and parlia- 
mentary obsequiousness. 

Yours for ever, most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

At this time a melancholy event occurred, arising 
out of an election contest for the Borough of Cal- 
lan, which the families of the Agars and Flood 
had long disputed. The elder Mr. Agar had chal- 
lenged Mr. Flood, and they fought at Holyhead, 
when Mr. Agar was slightly wounded ; but still 
dissatisfied, he again challenged his adversary, 
having revived an old dispute which had no refer- 
ence to the real hostility entertained against 
Mr. Flood. The parties drew lots for the first 


fire, which Mr. Agar got, and missed his antago- 
nist; and on Mr. Flood firing, Mr. Agar received 
the shot through the heart, and immediately ex- 
pired. This event caused much affliction to 
Mr. Flood and Lord Charlemont, between whom 
and Lord Chancellor Lifford, several letters passed, 
respecting the legal proceedings in the case. In 
April, 1770, Mr. Flood was tried at the Kilkenny 
assizes. The verdict was manslaughter in his own 
defence, and he was honourably acquitted. The 
following account was written by Mr. Bushe on 
the occasion. 


September, 1769. 

My Dear Harry, 
I must postpone every other topic to inform you, that 
on Friday last, a duel was fought between Harry Flood, 
and Mr. Agar the elder, in Dunmore Park, near Kil- 
kenny, in which Mr. Agar was unfortunately killed. As 
Mr. Flood was not the challenger, and as it was out of 
his power to avoid it, he has nothing to reproach himself 
with. The cause was a case of pistols belonging to 
Mr. Agar, which one Keogh lost at Burn Church, in the 
riot about ten months ago. I hear that the unfortunate 
gentleman had often asked Mr. Flood about them, who 
always said " that he had them not, and was not ac- 
countable for them." But on Friday, they produced a 
challenge, to my great surprise, for if there were any 
offence, it was as much an offence any day these ten 
months, as it was on that day. They stood at about four- 
teen yards asunder. Before they fired, Mr. Agar ques- 


tioned Mr. Flood about the pistols, in a threatening and 
offensive manner. Mr. Flood answered very deliberately, 
" You know I will not answer you while you ask me in 
that manner." Mr. G. Bushe, who was Mr. Flood's friend, 
said something to Mr. Agar to induce him to ask in another 
manner, and not to bring such an affair upon himself so 
needlessly ; but without effect. He laid down one pistol, 
and rested the other on his arm to take his aim. Both 
Mr. G. B. and Mr. Roth, his own friend, called to him 
to fire fairly : (N. B. besides the unfairness of using a rest, 
it was particularly unfair at that time, for Mr. A. .had pro- 
posed they should stand alongside a quick-set hedge, but 
Mr. Roth declared "them should be no LEVELLING.") 
Upon their calling out he desisted, and took another 
posture, and fired first and missed. He then took up his 
other pistol, and then said to Mr. Flood, " Fire, you 
scoundrel!" Mr. Flood, thereupon presented his pistol, 
which he held all this time with the muzzle turned upwards, 
and shot Mr. A. through the heart. Mr. A.'s left breast 
was towards him, Mr A. being left-handed. He expired 
in a few minutes without speaking any thing articulate. 
The coroner's have found the verdict specially ; " That he 
came by his death by a pistol bullet," — as appears more 
fully by the examinations of Mr. Roth and Mr. Bushe,— 
without even mentioning Mr. Flood's name. Mr. Flood 
is fortunate that a man was present of so much honour as 
Mr. Roth, who does the fullest justice to his character. I 
hear that Mr. Agar, of Gowran, has heard the matter pro- 
perly related, and that he disclaimed any ungenerous 
malice ; and indeed the matter is so wonderfully clear, that 
Mr. Flood has nothing to apprehend from prosecution or 
from calumny. Nothing ever was superior to his temper, 
or his steady courage. I will not sign my name for 
obvious reasons. 




Mr. Flood does not abscond, nor is there any occasion. 
Do not show this to any one who is not worthy of confidence. 

G. P. B. 


December 8th, 1769. 

My Dear Broome, 
From a person living in the metropolis of the world, you 
may expect some news, some politics that may interest 
you, some facts that may amuse you. Alas! how much 
must I disappoint all these expectations ! Unconnected 
with the great world, I learn no political intrigues ; and 
unconcerned in the matter-of-fact world, I attend to none 
of its momentous incidents. Excluded from the House 
of Commons, I want even my usual resort of amusements ; 
and weary of the repetition of bad plays, I am thrown into 
the wanderer's last resort, the arms of a coffee-house, 
where I meet few acquaintances — no friends. I leave 
London in a few days, to retire to a pretty situation in 
Windsor ; I need not tell you how I wish your partner- 
ship in my destined hermitage. It is not pure friendship, 
it is interested selfishness in part, that dictates my passion; 
for you have an uncontrolled influence over me, banishing 
every gloomy suggestion, and reconciling me even to 

I have heard too little of the capital speakers, to charac- 
terize them to you ; having gained admission one or two 
days, we have been excluded since. 

Burke is unquestionably the first orator among the Com- 
mons of England ; boundless in knowledge, instantaneous 
in his apprehensions, and abundant in his language ; he 
speaks with profound attention and acknowledged superi- 
ority, notwithstanding the want of energy, the want of 
grace, and the want of elegance in his manner. 




The other speakers whom I have heard, do not deserve 
relation ; they sink down to the lumber of our house, only 
that they are not so deficient in language, nor so entirely 
over-run with vulgarity. La Touche, I find, has lost his 
election ; I am sorry for it. He engaged my warmest 
wishes, as much as the citizens of Dublin do now my indig- 
nation. They have the turbulence of faction, with the 
meanness of dependency, and would give to a title, what 
the citizens of London would deny to his Majesty. 

I think of you often, sometime with pleasure, sometime 
with regret. I now and then wish the return of those 
davs of boyhood when hope was more sanguine, and the 
credulity of future happiness not disproved by experience. 
Farewell ; your friends Bermingham and Macaulay desire 
to be remembered to you. The noise and turbulence of a 
coffee-house oblige me to conclude. 

Yours most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

mr. grattan to mr. broome. 

London, Dec. 15th, 17G9. 

My Dear Broom r, 
Whether you or I are the most faithful correspondent, I 
leave to your cabinet, that contains the huge bulk of my 
letters to you. If the advantage be on your side, it is 
owing to the advantage of your temper, that possesses a 
manly stability which mine is a stranger to. I continue in 
London an expensive and a tumultuous dissipation. There 
are many here with whom I live, but you are the only man 
in whom I can entirely confide. There are many whose 
conversation I like ; but you retain the absolute dominion 
over my heart. 

I have read nothing since I came last to London, else I 


should dwell on literary productions. Swift, whom you 
have lately perused, is certainly easy, and ironical. His 
principles might have been good ; but unfortunately for 
him, the principles of his party lived to be disgraced ; and 
the objects of his praise only now live in the infamy of 
their measures. 

My reading in theology has been possibly only enough 
to make me singular, not deep. I have not time to pierce 
into so important mysteries ; but the opinion I advanced 
is the usual result of profound erudition, or daily but un- 
biassed experience. 

You mentioned in one of your letters, a design of visit- 
ing the Continent next summer. Oh ! that you would put 
it in execution ! How happy should I be to attend you, 
upon such a project ! The late melancholy event could 
not make as deep an impression as it ought, upon a mind 
dissipated like mine. We are too expeditious to forget 
the dead, — even our dearest benefactors. 

Farewell, my dearest friend, 

Yours most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

P. S. A late election for the county of Middlesex has 
engaged the zeal of this kingdom. The court candidate 
is thrown out, and a serjeant-at-law, whose foundation was 
pleading Mr. Wilks's cause, is returned. We are ex- 
cluded from the House of Commons. 

Mr. Grattan was always a great admirer of the 
stage. It was the taste of the day. The Irish 
are a nation of actors ; they speak like the French, 
and think in action ; and their mind is inventive 
and figurative. Plays were at this period the 



fashion in Ireland. So early as 1759, private 
theatricals were represented at Lurgan, the seat 
of Mr. William Brownlow, that model for a country- 
gentleman and patriot. In 1760 at Castletown, 
the seat of Mr. Conolly, the relation of Lord 
Townshend, the first part of Henry IV. was repre- 
sented, and the epilogue was spoken by Mr. 
Hussey Burgh. At Carton, in 1761, the seat of 
the Earl of Kildare, afterwards Duke of Leinster, 
the Beggar's Opera was acted; the prologue was 
spoken by Dean Marlay (Mr. Grattan's uncle.) 
The parts of the play were acted by Lord Charle- 
mont, Viscount Powerscourt, Mr. Conolly, Lady 
Louisa Conolly, and the Countess of Kildare. In 
1774, Knocktopher, Farmly, and Kilfane, in the 
county of Kilkenny, the country residences of Sir 
Here ules Langrishe, Mr. Flood, and Mr. Bushe, 
were distinguished by similar dramatic perform- 
ances. Mr. Flood acted Macbeth — Mr. Grattan 
Macduff. At Marlay, the seat of Mr. La Touche, 
in the county of Dublin, the Mask of Comus was 
acted, in which Mr. Grattan, Mr. Burgh, and Mr. 
Bushe performed along with seventeen of the La 
Touche family (a name celebrated for the excel- 
lence of its possessors, the beauty of their persons, 
the suavity of their manners, and their kind and 
gentle disposition. ) Mr. Grattan composed the 
epilogue, which was spoken by Miss La Touche, 
that famous beauty, afterwards Countess of Lanes- 


borough.* In 1778, Mr. Luke Gardiner, after- 
wards Lord Mountjoy, had a private theatre at his 
residence in the Phoenix Park, when Mr. Bushe 

* Epilogue to the Mask of Comm. 


" Hist ! hist !" — I hear a dame of fashion say, 
" Lord ! how absurd the heroine of this play ! 
A god of rank and station was so good 
To take a lady from a hideous wood ; 
Brought her to all the pleasures of his court, 
Of love, and men, and music, the resort ; 
Bid mirth and transport wait on her command, 
Gave her a ball, and offered her his hand ; 
And she, quite country, obstinate, and mulish, 
Extremely fine, perhaps, but vastly foolish, 
Would neither speak, nor laugh, nor dance, nor sing, 
Nor condescend, nor wed, nor — any thing ! 

Now put a modern lady in her stead, 
More frail, you'll say, but surely better bred ; 
Civil and soothing, smiling, courteous, she 
Had found some means to please his majesty ! 
And, gentle and ambitious, by his side 
Had reigned his charming and immortal bride ; 
■ Or, had the subtle necromancer play'd 

His protean charms against the tender maid, 
She, formed to please, but capable to vex, 
Had found some means his magic to perplex; 
And, by those arts poor women have at hand, 
Made him a monster straight — for all his wand ! 
Besides, this virtuous maid, with all her pride, 
If we examine, was not fairly tried : 
The son of Circe knew not how to move her, 
Poor Comus, tho' enchanting, was no lover ! 
Comus, who thought a. lady's heart to gain, 
Could he with wine possess her tender brain : 
But many women, who the world refine, 
Have thought of men who never tasted wine. 




and Mr. Isaac Corry acted ; — and at a much later 
period these private theatricals were revived in 
the county of Kilkenny, where Mr. Richard 
Power, Mr. Rothe, Mr. Corry, Mr. Lyster, and 
Mr. Thomas Moore * (the bard of Ireland) acted 
— cultivating at once taste, talent, and charity ; 

In all affairs of love and tender passion, 

Best leave good angels to their inclination 

For England's daughters, fond of liberty, 

Resist compulsion — but are kind, when free ; 

And if provoked, with more than manly rage, 

Will fight for virtue, as a privilege ! 

But why choose Comus ? — Com us won't go down — 

Milton, good creature! never knew the town. 

Better a sentimental comedy, 

That leads the soul conscientiously astray ! 

Where about good fond rakes are always ranting, 

And fond, frail woman, so divinely canting! 

And sweet, sad dialogue, with feeling nice, 

Gives flavour and variety to vice ! 

So will a modern dame of fashion say, 
And rail at us, our morals, and our play. 
But, gentle ladies! you'll, I am sure, approve 
Your sexes triumph over guilty love : 
Nor will our sports of gaiety alarm you — 
These little Bacchanals will never harm you, 
NorCoMUs' wreathed smiles: and you'll admire, 
Once more, true English force, and genuine fire; 
Milton's chaste majesty — Arne's airy song — 
The light note tripping on Allegro's tongue : 
While the sweet flowing of the purest breast, 
Like Milton, tuneful — vestal as his taste, 
Calls music from her cell, and warbles high, 
The rapturous soul of song and sovereign extacy. 

* His reciting the melologue, which he composed, was the most inte- 
resting thing imaginable. 

L 2 



[chap, viii. 

and displaying qualities that adorned and embel- 
lished private society. 

Mr. Grattan was present at several of these plays, 
and often said that Lyster and Rothe were in se- 
veral characters not surpassed by Mossop or Kem- 
ble. In one of the early letters to Mr. Grattan, his 
uncle writes as follows, with his usual humour. 


Calvertstown, October 20th> 1763. 
Dear Harry, 
I hope I may now congratulate you on a complete recovery y 
and a perfect soundness in mind and body. You escaped, by 
your confinement, a very disagreeable time, which you must 
have passed at Belcamp during your father's illness. He 
imagined himself in great danger; but his disorder was chiefly 
on his spirits, from whence most of his complaints proceed. 

Smock-alley has got a great acquisition in Miss Catley. 
Her voice is excellent ; her figure captivating ; her eye 
brilliant and expressive. Macklin says she has fine ma- 
terials. Her indignation is commanding ; she is affecting 
in the pathetic, and just in the narrative. So much for 
theatrical affairs. 

Some slight pieces have been acted in the House of 
Commons ; many more farces are to be performed this 
winter by the same actors, most of whom, it is expected, 
will be taken into his Majesty's pay. 

I am, dear Harry, 
Your most sincere and affectionate 

R. Marlay. 

Though the following letter from Mossop be- 
longs, in point of date, to a somewhat later period, 



it will find a more suitable place here, in connec- 
tion with the foregoing notices of the theatrical 
taste of the time. 

mr. mossop to mr. marlay. 
My Dear Marlay, 
You will be surprised to find my letter dated from Paris. 
I have been there this three weeks. The journey and 
change of climate have agreed extremely well with me. 
This excursion has been the cause of my not making an 
earlier acknowledgment of the honour of your letter. Since 
I have been in France, I have attended many of their thea- 
trical entertainments. Their acting is abominable ; their 
singing worse ; but many of their dramas, and a great part 
of their music, are excellent, and peculiarly of a kind 
suited to the taste of an English audience ; particularly 
the music. One piece, a comic opera, I have been much 
struck with. The fable is good— full of incidents — those I 
could expect from the French stage ; the music extremely 
light and pretty, and the whole is (I have no doubt) capa- 
ble of succeeding before a London audience. In short, I 
have myself set about giving it an English dress, and form- 
ing the whole into a drama for the London stage. You can 
assist me very materially on the occasion. I recollect that 
some years ago, you formed a plan of an English comic 
opera, and had written several of the songs. Those songs 
would be of very great service to me, as I shall certainly 
find some of them that would, with alterations, be made to 
suit the subject, and I would, with a little trouble, alter 
the measure suitable to the airs which I should select. If 
you have not destroyed them, and do not intend to apply 
them to any other use, you will oblige me much, if you will 
favour me with them as soon as conveniently you can. I 


am very happy to find that Lord Townshend has done him- 
self so much honour and credit, as to show that he has had 
discernment and virtue enough to distinguish yon.* 

Need I say I most cordially congratulate you. If your 
preferment were determined by my wishes, it would be 
high indeed, and would be suitable to your desert. 
I am, my dear Marlay, 

Most truly and sincerely yours, 

Henry Mossop. 

Paris, 29th Aug. 1772. 
Direct a Monsieur Mossop, Hotel 
de York, rue des Mauvais Garcons. 


Calvertslown, 26th August, 1769. 

Dear Harry, 

I did not expect you would have come to London to meet 
me. If I had imagined you had a scheme of returning to 
London, I would have persuaded Lord Ancram to defer our 
journey a few days. Your proposed application to the law, 
will give great pleasure to your friends. The study, though 
laborious and disagreeable, is not so painful as idleness, 
which persons of the brightest talents are apt to fall into, 
unless they are stimulated by ambition, prompted by vanity, 
or compelled by poverty, to exert their faculties. Since 
you have not ambition nor vanity sufficient to rouse you, 
the narrowness of your fortune will, I hope, force you into 
wealth and eminence. 

I am now at Calvertstown, f which is daily improving ; 
it is certainly rural and pleasant, though not beautiful or 

* He was appointed one of his Excellency's chaplains. 

f The seat of Mr. Levinge, who married a sister of Bishop Marlay. 
lie was a descendant of Sir Richard Levinge, who had been Speaker of 
the House of Commons that assembled after the revolution of 1688. 



romantic. I staid a fortnight at Celbridge. That country 
afforded much gaiety. The Fair Penitent was performed 
twice at Leixlip. The younger Townshend played the 
character of Lothario with great spirit and propriety. His 
voice is uncommonly fine, his action pleasing and graceful, 
and his countenance very animated and expressive. The 
elder Townshend acted Horatio with decency, and seemed 
to have a good idea of the character. Jephson performed 
the part of Altamont justly, but in a subdued manner; I 
suppose, to make the Townshends appear in a more con- 
spicuous point of view. Swan was well in Sciolto. He 
laboured too much, and would have pleased more if he had 
endeavoured to please less. Miss Montgomery (the 
Calista) has spirit and feeling. 

I am, my dear Harry, 
Your most sincere and affectionate, 

R. Marlay. 


Dublin, Jan. 9, 1770. 

Dear Day, 

You have forgot me. I hear from no one in England. 
You have imputed to me the forgetfulness you have dis- 
played, and have thought it unnecessary to acquaint me 
cither about your health or your happiness. I have in- 
tended to write to you often ; though we had agreed that 
you should write first. I have at length overcome my own 
indolence and your neglect, and take up the pen in despair. 

Ireland has been the scene of action the foregoing part 
of this winter. There has been no winter in which party 
has more fluctuated. At one time, the independent men, 
as they call themselves, inclining to government, and 
threatening defeat to the Speaker; at another time sup- 



porting the Speaker, and casting the balance against govern- 
ment. The Lord Lieutenant received four or five defeats 
this winter, but was victorious often, and parties were so 
balanced, that the measure was generally determined by 
its own weight. 

Lord Townshend was rather despised than hated till this 
late measure; and even now, the supposition of his reluc- 
tance to protest, softens the acrimony of opposition. 

The debates this winter were not equal to what I have 
formerly heard in the Irish House. Flood and Hutchin- 
son seldom spoke. The former on one or two occasions 
was as fine as any man could be who did not exert him- 
self. Hussey is liked, and promises merit. Scott is dis- 
liked, and does not promise any thing. His conduct in 
the House of Commons, in a committee to consider the 
repairing of particular churches, that were in a ruinous 
state, was indecent, not comical ; the whole house was dis- 
gusted • the old men looked with astonishment at one 
another. Harwood was absent. 

The Freeman's Journal teems with invective at present; 
but hitherto the Freeman has slept, and the measures of 
parliament have not enough engaged the attention, or 
affected the passions of the people. 

I shall be soon in England. Iam tired of Dublin, with 
all its hospitality and all its claret. Upon our arrival it 
seemed a town hung in mourning, swarming with poverty 
and idleness. We feel relaxation growing upon us as 
soon as we arrive, and we catch the epidemic sloth of the 
luxurious capital. Love and regard to John Day, Lovett, 
and Tydd. 

Yours, dear Day, affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 
I shall be in London in a very short time. 



February 8, 1770. 
I am happy at the event that rescues us from so much 
anxiety ; the storm that lowered at a distance is blown off, 
and you must take care not to engender another. The 
downfall of administration promises to accompany domes- 
tic tranquillity, and the Duke of Grafton's resignation, 
and the impending ruin of his system, give satisfaction to 
our public alarms, — the only alarms that now remain. 

The anonymous letter * was much liked; I think it is 
the best of any, but your censure of obscurity at the end 
was justified by most of those who read it. 

I received a letter from Boyd. He talks of Jamaica 
remittances, of the difficulty of payment, complains of 
disappointments, and with coyness unravels his system of 
a year's imposition. I have not yet answered his letter, 
and have not sought to impede the natural exertion of 
law. To law, he may open those stores which have been 
shut to friendship, and he must do that justice to the 
insensibility of the former, which he refused to the dis- 
interested warmth of the latter. I am impatient to return 
to England. The splendid and the enrapturing scenes of 
London begin to wanton in my imagination, I have here 
reputable friends, and am myself not totally without 
credit; and yet (such is the perverseness of our nature), 
I am impatient to become an obscure character in another 

I have not forgotten the romantic valley .f I look on it 
with an eye of forecast. It may be the recreation of an 

* This was one of the letters in Barataria, by Flood, 
f This was Tinnehinch, in the county of Wicklow, the place he after 
purchased and lived in. 

3 54 


[chap. VIII. 

active life, or the shelter of an obscure one, or the 
romantic residence of philosophic friendship. 

I have gone to plays since you left this town ; they are 
a miserable substitute. The night of the " Clandestine 
Marriage " the house was so cold, that even good acting 
could hardly have been a recompense, much less the 
downcast demerit of Clinch, or the unseasonable strength 
of Wilder acting the infirmities of Lord Ogilby, with the 
vigour of a wrestler. 

Yours, dear Broome, 

With everlasting friendship, 
Henry Grattan. 

mr. grattan to mr. day. 

February 11, 1770. 

My dear Day, 
I will discharge your business with punctuality. The fault 
was possibly mine; but it was in me no more than a 
mistake in our agreement, in which no man is more likely 
to be mistaken than I am. 

Ireland seems to have forgotten her injuries, and Pro- 
test and Prorogation awoke her but for a moment. Our 
sportive youth have forgotten the cares of their country, 
and have taken refuge in the consolation of a dramatic 
performance. A play which is to be acted on Monday, 
has been for some months past the object of the gravest, 
as well as the youngest senator; the play is " Tamer- 
lane :" Hussey is to perform that character. Brownlow, 
Lord Mount Morris, Lord Kildare, and Jephson, are to 
make their appearance ; the ladies are the Miss Mont- 
gomerys, three celebrated beauties. 

Feb. 13. — The play was acted last night. I was so 
stupid as to refuse a ticket, and lost a most magnifi- 
cent spectacle, and in the instance of Miss Montgomery 




and Jephson, a tine performance; the former an accom- 
plished actress, the latter a formed actor. Several ladies 
dressed for different characters in the farce, among whom 
two of my sisters were numbered, but none spoke ; in fact, 
the Miss Montgomerys* refused to be the only women 
who would act, and therefore required the appearance of 
a female society. 

I am happy in your approbation of Posthumus : there 
is another in the " Freeman " of last Saturday se'nnight, 
without a name, written by Posthumus, which I wish 
you would read, and read with this caution — the latter end 
is ill printed. I intend to bring to England, for which 
place I shall set out in a week, all the pamphlets that 
have been published relative to the Protest and Poyning's 
law : none, except one, have any merit. I am pressed to 
go to Kilkenny ; it would be an agreeable expedition, but 
I shall prefer London. You may judge, by this letter, 
the hurry in which it has been written- taken up at differ- 
ent times, and concluded after a thousand interruptions ; 
but it answers my purpose, if it only assures you that your 
company is not the least motive to my impatience to return, 
and that I am, with steadfast cordiality, 


Henry Grattan. 
Afy love and regards to Day, Lovett, and Tydd. 

* These were three celebrated Irish beauties : the eldest married 
Mr. Luke Gardiner, father to Lord Mountjoy ; the second Mr. John 
Beresford, the Commissioner of Revenue ; and the third Lord Towns- 
hend, Viceroy in Ireland. There were two other famous Irish beauties, 
whose names are also recorded in history — the Miss Gunnings ; one 
married the Earl of Coventry ; the other the Duke of Hamilton, and 
after his death, the Duke of Argyle, but died at the age of twenty- 
seven. Walpole says, " So great was their beauty, that crowds flocked 
to see the duchess, and that 700 persons sat up all night at an inn, in 



February 22, 1770. 
Still in Ireland, and only unhappy in your absence, and 
my own unsettled situation. I purposed going to England 
the beginning of next week ; but an invitation to go with 
Bushe and Flood, to Kilkenny, makes me hesitate. Plea- 
sure and study point at London, but comfort and possible 
improvement direct to the other place. I believe I shall 
go to London. 

I have lived very much with Bushe and Flood this last 
fortnight — an agreeable society, that with your assistance, 
may make Ireland hereafter a pleasing retreat. I have 
called on your father twice, but did not find him at home ; 
I had, however, the satisfaction of seeing your mother, 
and had a long interview with the most amiable of women. 
Notwithstanding her benign nature, I could not but 
prefer this prayer to Heaven, — That you might be hap- 
pier than your father, and gentler than your mother. 

I seldom think, and therefore write less frequently than 
I ought to do. My conscience salutes me with reproaches 
at every attempt at contemplation ; it tells me I am 
growing old, losing time, and yielding to the habits of 
dissipation. You have an advantage over me in our 
correspondence. You have leisure to feel ; retirement 
excites the passions, and is insupportable without them ; 

Yorkshire, to see her enter her carriage next morning. The duke was so 
anxious to have the ceremony performed, that he would not wait till 
day, but was married with the ring of the bed-curtain, at half-past 
twelve at night, in Mayfair chapel. The Countess of Coventry was said 
to have made a singular reply to George II. ; his Majesty had asked her 
if she liked masquerades? — The countess answered, she did not — that 
she was tired of sights, but she was desirous of seeing one — a corona- 
tion ! — Walpole. 




every good, and every rational quality is enticed, and 
uninterrupted. But in the world, action crowds on too 
fast for the feelings ; our attention is distracted, our 
passions not affected, and every nobler sentiment, the 
offspring of reflection, is suppressed. 'Tis therefore I am 
a slow and slovenly correspondent, and seldom in this 
noisy scene rise to the merit of writing to you. 

You will see in the " Freeman " of next Saturday a 
letter to Lord Townshend, equal to any of Junius's perform- 
ances. I have seen it in manuscript ; it is by some attributed 
to Flood, but denied so strenuously, that I almost doubt his 
being the author. I shall send you the paper, as soon as 
it comes out, and if there is anything worth relating, you 
may be sure to hear it, from 

Yours ever, 

Henry Grattan. 

Notwithstanding the pretended disclaimer, the 
letter here alluded to was written by Mr. Flood. 
Several appeared under the signature of " Synder- 
combe" against Lord Townshend's Government. 
They were published in the " Freeman's Journal," 
and were afterwards collected in a work entitled 
" Baratariana — to which a dedication to Lord 
Townshend was prefixed, written by Mr. Grattan, 
and to which several persons also contributed. 

From the acquaintance that subsisted between 
Mr. Grattan and Mr. Boyd, as appears from the 
frequent allusions to him in the foregoing letters, 
it was natural that Mr. Grattan should have been 
able to form a tolerably correct opinion as to 
whether he was the author of " Junius;" and in 



[chap. VIII. 

the preface to an edition of " Junius's" works by 
Almon, an enquiry is instituted, and among others, 
an application was made to Mr. Grattan, at whose 
dictation Mrs. Grattan replied as follows : — 


Mr. Grattan not being able to write, desires me to 
answer the letter you did him the honour to send. He 
does not recollect any fact which at the time or since in- 
clined him to think that Mr. Boyd was the author of 
(i Junius," or connected with that publication. Were Mr. 
Boyd "Junius," it was wholly without Mr. Grattan's know- 
ledge. His understanding was very considerable; his 
memory astonishing ; and his literary powers very great ; 
but whether he thought proper to give them the style and 
cast of Junius's composition, is what Mr. Grattan cannot 
possibly undertake to say. He wishes every success to 
Mr. C.'s work, as it is the account, of a person (whether 
Junius or not,) whose life and talents were an ornament to 
letters, and his death an irretrievable loss. 

Another application was made to Mr. Grattan, 
to know whether he was not the author. Mr. 
Grattan replied : — 

I can frankly assure you I know nothing of u Junius" 
except that I am not the author. When " Junius" began, I 
was a boy, and knew nothing of politics, or the persons 
concerned in them. I am, Sir, not Junius, but your good 
wisher, and obedient servant, 

Henry Grattan. 

Dublin, 4th November, 1805. 

Mr. Flood was also supposed to have been the 
author ; but the comparison of the letters of 




" Syndercombe," which he certainly wrote, with 
those of "Junius," will go far to disprove the 
probability ; and, on reference to two of the letters, 
this is established beyond doubt ; for one of the 
letters of Junius to Sir William Draper, was 
written on the 21st February, 1769, and appeared 
but a few days after the publication of Sir William 
Draper's letter, dated the 17th, and to which it 
was a reply ; — at that time Mr. Flood was in Ire- 
land, and it would not have been possible for a 
reply to have been made by him, and published 
in London, in the short space within which that 
letter of Junius appeared. 

On this subject, I may say that Mr. Grattan's 
opinion always was that the letters of Junius 
came from the Burke School, and that Burke was 
the prime mover, if not the writer. His observa- 
tions are the more deserving of notice, as he had 
conversed on the subject with Gerard Hamilton 
and Mr. Boyd — they w r ere as follows — "There is 
nothing in the passage of Burke* where he alludes 
to Junius on the subject of ex officio informations 
that might not have been spoken by a person 
who had written "Junius." I know that Boyd 
heard Burke make that very speech that night ; 
and Boyd told me there was nothing he said 
then, that would make him believe he had not 
written "Junius"; on the contrary, I incline to 
think, from the manner he spoke, that he did write 

In the 11 tli vol.; Ed. 1816. 



[chap. VIII. 

it. — Hamilton also said to me, ' If I was to die to- 
morrow, unless I could tell who wrote 'Junius/ 
I would lay my head quietly upon the pillow to- 
night—'twas Burke.' " 

This was the opinion of two individuals, sup- 
posed at one time to have been the authors of 
" Junius." 


Kilfane, March 16, 1770. 

I received your letter this morning at Bushe's, where 
I have been this fortnight, except for six days, during 
which time I was at Flood's ; an agreeable time, and 
I could wish to prolong it, but fate drives me to Cavan in 
a few days, about a suit with a tenant, and sends me from 
thence to Dublin, and so to England. This interval will 
be tedious and insipid. How I long to be reposed in the 
shades of Windsor, watching the spring, and cultivating 
the muse ! I dread the interval of sea-journey and fatigue. 

Flood is the most easy and best tempered man in the 
world, as well as the most sensible. He harangued one 
morning : — he was excellent ; your humble servant exe- 
crable — overawed and ashamed of himself. 

The changes promise a session of fervency. Lord 
Townshend will hardly withstand so numerous and so 
eloquent an opposition. He has aristocracy and demo- 
cracy to combat ; he has corruption and himself to rely 
upon. The administration of England, of which he is an 
emanation, the Protest and Prorogation, must hold him 
up to the public as dangerous and detestable ; and violence, 
which is victory to a strong government, must be dissolu- 
tion to a weak one. If the English Ministry change, their 




servants must fall with them ; and if they continue, Lord 
Townshend's talents as an innovator are inadequate to 
execute the plan of their policy. Reformation must be 
fatal to him, and the continuance of even an infamous 
Government is not a sufficient protection. I do not agree 
with you, in your tenderness for Lord Townshend's mea- 
sures. If those measures are his own, he is to be con- 
demned, for they are bad measures ; if they are orders, he 
is to be condemned also, because they are wicked orders, 
and of an infamous administration. The same spirit, that 
now oppresses England, oppresses us. It is the interest 
of Britain to maintain a degree of subordination in Ire- 
land, but not to degrade dependence, or exasperate sub- 
mission. The remonstrance of the Livery of London is 
sublime; it will vindicate the character of London to futu- 
rity. Affairs are urged so far, that nothing but an unbe- 
coming retreat, or national struggle, will decide. Old 
England seems awakened, and the Royal understanding 
will be hardly able to outwit it. Messrs. * * * * are not 
pleased at losing their employments, and have now found 
that the country is really in danger. The designs of 
Ministry are alarming, and if there is not spirit in the 
people, they must be successful. It had been absurd in 
this Kingdom to have resented her own peculiar injuries; 
but when her old plunderers are injured with her, Ireland 
ought no doubt to be exasperated ! 

Yours ever, 

Henry Grattan. 




Kilfane, March 80th, 1770. 

My Dear Day, 
I hoped to have been with you long ago, but a visit to the 
county of Kilkenny delayed my progress. I have been at 
Flood's, and am now at Bushe's. The time has been idle 
and agreeable, but infinitely less idle and agreeable than 
it would have been in London. 

The changes in this country have given satisfaction to 
many ; to those who were not themselves in place, and con- 
sidered the oligarchy here as a degrading oppression ; and 
to those who wish a more effectual opposition, and expect 
it from the sanguine resentment of the dismissed. Lord 

is odious, but so ridiculous, that satire is unedged of 

her indignation, and dissolves in laughter at the burlesque 
of his character. He rattles his politics in all companies, 
gets drunk in all companies, and is uniform to no one 
political principle, but the publication of his secrets. We 
expect no parliament till the winter after next, because 
Government has every reason to expect a majority against 
them, as Lord Townshend must be sure that their first mea- 
sure will be an address to remove him. 

Macartney, if possible, is more disliked than Lord Towns- 
hend. An eternal sneer, a nauseating affectation, and a 
listless lethargy, make him (they say) disgusting in general, 
and give him the name of the Macaroni Prime Minister. 

I shall be in London certainly the first week in April, 
and shall do your business with punctuality. The book- 
seller had sent you the books before you wrote. Your 
brother called on me, and said he would have the things 

Remember me to Lovett, Day, and Tydd. 

Yours eyer, most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 



London, Thursday, April 19, 1770. 

I fear you did not receive the letter I wrote you from 
Conway. I waited for something to tell you, or I should 
have been more expeditious in writing another. England 
is the seat of business, and therefore you may imagine it is 
the seat of news. I shall correct your mistake, by telling 
none. I shall refer you to the papers for political events, 
and profound conjectures; for the visits which the Duke of 
Grafton pays to a great personage, and for the contributions 
made in favour of another great personage, lately in confine- 
ment. I shall only tell you, that on Tuesday night Mr. Wilkes 
went privately from prison, and that on last night the whole 
town was illuminated. Every thing was apprehended, but I 
have heard of nothing that has been done by the populace. 
There were many houses not illuminated, and they did not 
suffer. This night was more tranquil than those of his 
election. The letters to the Ward and to his constituents 
are spirited, but not his best productions. They promise 
future contests, and future persecution. Lord Chatham's 
abilities are restored to their ancient reputation. His 
violence (I hear) is surprising; the Ministry call him 
" mad;" Opposition calls him " supernatural^ and languid 
men call him " rather outrageous" I have not yet heard 
him on any debates, as the recess is not at an end. They 
talk here of a war. A report prevailed yesterday, that 
Gibraltar was taken, and that the French ambassador had 
secretly departed. This was confidently affirmed, and as 
confidently denied. 

You left me at Conway. I had scarce reposed in bed, 
a weary and a feeble body, when I received a request from 
a gentleman to spend the evening (it was twelve o'clock) 

m 2 


with him. I waived the engagement, set out early, and 
got the next night to Chester. I travelled from thence 
post to London, made many speeches in my mind, and 
amused myself with imaginations, while our friend Bushe 
amused himself with sleep. He snored so loud, and 
rumbled so much about the chaise, that I wished to turn 
him out, but pacified myself with cursing him. I got to 
London to dinner the third day, and found all my acquaint- 
ances assembled together. I have since been much at 
ease. My chambers (a person less partial would call them 
garrets) are comfortable and cheerful ; they entice me to 
be domestic and studious. Your friend Birmingham * 
lives among us entirely. He has tolerably recovered 
from the most decisive shock that can be given to the 
human mind, the death of one whom he loved for five years, 
and lost when obtained. His sisters are gone to Ireland ; 
one was well married a few days ago. You may possibly 
meet them. 

Tf you come to England you may have apartments in 
my chambers, and we will live, and harangue, and dispute 
together. Let me know what you think of the last " Syn- 
dercombe." I believe you will think with me, it was un- 
equal ; in the first part strong, and precise in the conclu- 
sion ; in that part he had relaxed the rigour of imitation, 
and relapsed into his own nervous argumentation. If 
there comes out any thing here worth relating, you shall 
receive it, 

From yours, most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

* This individual afterwards married Miss Fitzgerald, his wife's sister. 
He was a pleasing, agreeable, and amiable gentleman. 



Windsor Forest, November 22, 1770. 

My Dear Friend, 

1 write this letter from the dullest solitude which even I 
ever experienced. You know my mind has ever had a 
hankering after misery ; I have cultivated that defect with 
astonishing success, and have now refined my mind into 
the most aching sensibility imaginable. I have been of 
late much alone, in a beautiful situation, but a disagreeable 
condition, so much so, that it has overcome my taste for 
books, my passion for writing, and attachment to rurality. 
I call upon you, in my miserable moments, to arouse your 
declining friend, a prey to his caprice. I know of no 
panacea for my mind but you. We have mutually ad- 
ministered to each other's affliction ; I to your actual 
situation, you to the prolific misery of my imagination. 
The fact is, I have no resolution, and in solitude feel the 
most frivolous incidents as great calamities ; my mind stag- 
nates in retirement, and a drop of adversity circulates in 
uneasiness all over it. If I have any comfort it is in a 
friend, to whom I may unbosom myself with safety, for he 
will not deride my wayward nature ; and with consolation, 
for he will not overlook in me the most causeless un- 
easiness. Believe me, I long for that future moment, in 
which you and I, in the romantic composure of some pen- 
sive retreat, may enjoy each other's society ; where I may 
find a firm peace of mind, to which I am now a stranger. 

When the devastation T speak of will suffer me to apply 
to nobler objects, and to soar a little above the dregs of 
the earth, I am not entirely remiss in the pursuits of im- 

I love the Muse still ; I have a sense, though not a 
feeling, of real happiness ; I say to myself, there is no true 


felicity, but that which we enjoy by a fine intelligence, 
contemplating itself and sympathising in conscious friend- 
ship. Adversity, certainly, is the Mistress of Philosophy ; 
in an easy situation, I find, in my own mind, the benefit 
of her instruction, and am tortured into wisdom by the 
good fortune of my disposition. 

You see Opposition is in a languid and a divided state. 
Death has not spared it. Mr. Grenville's departure was a 
tremendous blow. He was an able financier, with a con- 
tracted but a shrewd mind ; the object of the prejudices 
and hopes of many ; a man who had some portion of 
English principle. He died the first day of the Session. 
His death was lamented by Barre, who was great that day ; 
his boldness and his fury were engaging, and his military 
character was sustained with warmth and sense. The 
debate was conducted but by few who did not in general 
exert themselves. 

I shall go to London to-morrow, where, if any thing 
happens, in either of the worlds, political or theatrical, 
I shall mention it to you. Write to me soon, and believe 
me the same sincere friend you once thought me. 

Henry Grattan. 

In the autumn of 1770, Mr. Grattan formed a 
project with his friend Day, of retiring to the 
country, and embracing a joint plan of rustication, 
as he called it, — burying themselves in the forest ; 
but Day was induced to break through it, and 
was led by some friends to visit Holland, and 
from Amsterdam he wrote his apology. 




Amsterdam, Nov. 30th, 1770. 

My Dear Grattan, 
I did not expect to be detained here so long, else this 
should not be my first letter to you. You know, at the 
other side of the water, I was taught to believe that our 
peregrination would not exceed three weeks. We are now 
here five, and are likely to continue two or three more. 
My curiosity, which is of the thirsty kind, has been 
quenched on some occasions, and a route, in general un- 
pleasant, has been interspersed with some very laughable 
and entertaining incidents ; but I will candidly own that on 
balancing the mortifications with the pleasures, I find there 
is a considerable arrear of the latter yet to be liquidated. I 
will give you but the outline of our tour, and leave you to 
judge for yourself. 

Before we arrived at the Hague, we encountered mani- 
fold vexations ; a very tedious, unpleasant, and a perilous 
passage, a dull or a dreary country, very paltry accommo- 
dations, miserable roads, miserable conveyances, miserable 
weather, and a black catalogue of miserable etceteras. But 
we were in good spirits, and made even our crosses and 
disappointments subservient to our festivity and enter- 
tainment. I would not however be thought to extend this 
severe censure to the whole of our journey. We met 
many exceptions to it, better calculated for the subject of 
conversation than of a letter; I only say that black was 
the general, not the invariable colour of our route. At the 
Hague we fared better. We were politely and courteously 
entertained, and Jack Day essentially served by Sir Joseph 
York. We were hospitably received by some of the 
English inhabitants, who understood the flattering terms 



[chap. VIII, 

we were on with his Excellency, and who are always regu- 
lated in their conduct by that of the ambassador. The 
town itself is incomparably the most elegant thing I ever 
saw, and it is universally described to be the most delight- 
ful scene perhaps in Europe. You will believe that this 
was not thrown away upon me. In fact I was transported 
with it, and indeed in the summer season a fortnight 
could not be more agreeably mispent, than in visiting 
the Hague and its environs. Here then we found abun- 
dant matter of entertainment, without being obliged to 
resort for it to ourselves, or to wrest it by dint of spirit 
from mortification. 

I propose, after this age of purgatory is elapsed, to relax 
ourselves for another week at the Hague. I despair of 
seeing you in less than a month. Meantime I wish you 
would take up the pen and remit me a packet of English 
or Irish politics. A sketch of the first day's debate would 
make me some amends for having been at a distance 
from it ; it would also be greedily devoured on my return 
to"the Hague by Sir Joseph York, who is ' ' avidus novarum 
rerum." Is there any truth in the report that a squadron 
of the Irish Parliament is coming over with a petition? 
Before I put my name to this, let me touch on a point 
which I neglected to explain to you at the time we parted : 
whatever pleasure might have been promised in conse- 
quence of this trip—whatever insatiable curiosity I might 
hope to gratify thereby — I should have declined it all, and 
remained with you at the cottage, if the term of our pil- 
grimage was not just expiring. I forgot my duty to my- 
self in the impropriety of deserting you ; we had embarked 
on a joint plan of rustication, and it would have been dis- 
honest to break through the association before the limited 
time had expired. You, 1 know, could not have done so ; 
and I repeat that no temptation should have seduced me 



from you and the Forest, if the moment of our return had 
not been at hand. Send me what letters are now at the 
Grecian, and write to 

Your most faithful and 

Sincere friend, 

Robert Day. 

mr. grattan to mr. robert day. 

December, 1770. 

My Dear Day, 
Your expedition has been exactly what I foresaw, a tur- 
bulent idling scene, reconciled by some moments of plea- 
sure. I could wish you had been here. My desire is not 
entirely interested ; you could have got an easy admission 
into both houses, and have heard debates of much moment 
and some eloquence. Lord Chatham has been very supe- 
rior. Burke and Barre have exalted themselves, and 
Wedderburn has not been silent. Lord Chatham on last 
Wednesday moved against the finality of the vote of the 
House of Commons, in such instances as that of the Mid- 
dlesex election. I did not hear him as well as I could 
have wished, and the subject is cold. He was outvoted by 
a large majority. A very important motion was made by 
Glyn the day after ; it was to propose an inquiry into the 
administration of justice in Westminster Hall, respecting 
the authority of juries to determine the criminality and to 
hear evidence of the intention. He alluded to the charge 
in the trial of the printer, and supported his motion with 
spirit, depth, and eloquence. He replied to Sir Gilbert 
Elliot with readiness, a modest fortitude, and an evident 
superiority. The debate lasted till twelve, and was not 
remarkable for any peculiar exertion of eloquence, except 
in Lord Clare, whose speech, I think, was as follows: — - 



[chap. VIII. 

" The motion of the learned Serjeant puts me in mind of a 
story. I'll tell it to you. It's about Polyphemus. Every 
man knows Polyphemus. [Here he roared so loud, that 
the walls almost burst with his vociferation.] He was a 
giant. He had but one eye. Ulysses, the great traveller, 
put it out, and when he was asked by his brother Cyclops 
who had injured him, he said, ' No man/ — and so they all 
went away and left him. Just so the learned Serjeant tells 
us the eye of the constitution is injured, but he would not 
say by whom ; and just so all his companions will leave 
him and go about their business." 

In order to encounter the inquiry, the fate of which I 
need not tell you, Lord Mansfield proposed to leave a 
copy of his charge (I think it was his charge) on the table 
of the House of Lords, but was thought irregular in the at- 
tempt, and consented to put the paper in his pocket. In this, 
and in every thing relative to Parliamentary proceedings 
since the beginning of December, I take my information 
from the papers, which you probably get, and therefore 
my narrative must be stale, and may be inaccurate. I shall 
only mention an absurd, and, I believe, an affected resent- 
ment between the two Houses of Parliament. The Duke 
of Manchester, in a motion relative to the state of the 
nation, expatiated on her calamities. Lord Chatham was 
in the house, and was expected to speak with fullness and 
a superior intelligence, on a subject where his information 
and ministerial knowledge might be amply displayed. Lord 
Gower interrupted the Duke, on pretence of the propriety 
of excluding strangers from a debate in which the secrets 
of the nation might be revealed. Lord Chatham rose up 
to speak against the interruption, and to the standing 
order. The House was in an uproar. " Clear the House !" 
was rung by every courtier. There was an emulation who 
who should drown the voice of Lord Chatham, and Den- 


bigh's horrid accents seemed to have the ascendancy. The 
lords of the court, forgetful of their politeness (their last 
pretence to the character of gentlemen) assumed the office 
of sergeant-at-arms, and in person drove out all strangers ; 
not only those who did not belong to either house, but the 
members of the House of Commons did not escape the 
burlesque interposition of the servants of the crown. The 
majority of the other house, at the instance of Mr. Onslow, 
resented or seemed to resent the exclusive rigour of the 
House of Lords, by imitating it. # 

I must here break off : 

Truly yours, 

Henry Grattan. 

* The House of Commons retaliated by excluding all strangers. The 
clamour was such, that Sir Fletcher Norton (the Speaker) exclaimed, 
u Gentlemen, be orderly, you are almost as bad as the House of Lords. f » 
Colonel Barre said, " that a bear-garden did not equal the horrid in- 
decency of the peers. " Lord Mansfield, who was Speaker in the Lords, 
did not act. Lord Chatham and others entered a protest against this 
conduct. The people saw through the entire proceeding. 




Historical retrospect. — System of corruption in Ireland. — Treatment of 
the Commons. — Increase of the army. — Close of the Townshend mini- 
stry. — Political songs.— Mr. Grattan's writings at this period. — His 
character of Lord Chatham. — Sir Hercules Langrishe. — His character. 
His Barataria. — Lines on him by Mr. Grattan. — Poem of Langrishe 
on Miss Catley and Miss Weiwitzer. — Opinions on the late Viceroy. 
— His conduct at Quebec. — Mr. Flood. — His social character — His 
style of speaking. — His scholarship and literary talents. — His personal 
appearance. — The Octennial Bill. — The Militia Bill. — Design of the 
ministry to destroy the Irish aristocracy. — Flood's acceptance of 
office. — The Harcourt administration. — Its prodigality. — Ireland and 

We now return to the affairs of Ireland, and follow 
the government of the Viceroy to its close. 

Lord Townshend not only resorted to the pension 
list, but adopted another expedient ; the com- 
missioners of revenue were a class of men excluded 
by the laws of England, as well as the spirit of 
the constitution, from sitting in Parliament; yet 
these were to be augmented and introduced into 




the Parliament of Ireland. Thus the protest, 
the prorogation, the altered money-bill, the in- 
crease of the commissioners of revenue, and their 
introduction into the House of Commons, show the 
perverse genius of the government of England ; 
how it forgot itself in its conduct towards Ireland, 
and how it relaxed into an open contempt for the 
form as well as the spirit of the constitution. 

The country was impoverished by expenses 
she could not bear, and by pensions she ought not 
to pay ; yet the Government laid heavier burdens 
upon her, and proposed to increase the commis- 
sioners of the revenue from seven to twelve. On 
a motion of Mr. Flood, however, in November 
1771, a resolution that seven commissioners were 
sufficient, was carried against the court by a ma- 
jority of 46 ; and afterwards, on the motion of Mr. 
Brownlow, it was carried by 123 to 101, that the 
entire house, with the Speaker at their head, 
should go to the Castle, and lay the resolution be- 
fore the Lord Lieutenant. 

That was accordingly done, but in utter con- 
tempt for their opinion, Government appointed the 
new commissioners, — seven for the customs and 
five for the excise, — and set the resolutions of the 
House of Commons at defiance ; the Lord Lieu- 
tenant stating in reply that the King's letter had 
come over to appoint seven commissioners of cus- 
toms and five commissioners of excise. Accord- 


ingly, in December following, the commissioners 
were appointed. 

The army, which consisted of 12,000 men, was 
increased to 15,000, and with the stipulation that 
not less than 12,000 should be kept in Ireland for 
her internal defence ; and the use that was made 
of this increase was to send 4,000 of them away to 
conquer America, and they evaded the stipulation 
by holding out a bribe to the country, which they 
reduced to beggary, offering to save the pay of the 
troops thus removed from the kingdom. 

At length the Townshend ministry ended its ca- 
reer by introducing, in December, another altered 
money bill, in which the British cabinet had taken 
off the duties on certain goods imported from Great 
Britain ; which alteration so highly inflamed the 
people, that the House of Commons even kindled, 
and on a motion of Mr. Flood, the bill was re- 
jected without a division. The publications of 
the day teemed with attacks on Lord Townshend. 
Mr. Flood, Mr. Grattan, and Mr. Langrishe in- 
veighed against his administration in various 
most severe productions, and the following humor- 
ous one was composed by Mr. Langrishe on the 
occasion : 






I'll tell you a story, 'tis not of three crows, - 
Nor the dog that the letter refus'd to disclose, 3 
But a strife 'mongst the Commons that lately arose, 
Which nobody can deny. 


They granted their sovereign a gallant supply, 
But Thurloe 3 resolved (that Prerogative spy) 
That a power to alter their bill he would try, 
Which nobody can deny. 

1 In absolute governments, where the people have only a permitted 
property, the will of the monarch is the source and the limit of taxation. 
In free governments, like those of Great Britain and Ireland, the reverse 
obtains ; and, therefore, we see that in these, the w ill of the people, ex- 
pressed by their representatives, is the origin and the measure of all 
supplies ; and that the crown hath only a power to accept or refuse, not to 
propound or alter. Montesquieu. 

* Two new stories invented by Sir George Macartney; — the one, to 
prove that there would be no protest or prorogation ; the other, to show 
there was no scheme of dividing the revenue-board. People thought he 
knew these matters better than any one, he being a man of great parts 
and having continual access to his own office; but next day, it appeared, 
that he had deceived them, through forgetfulness, he having a treacherous 
memory. Stirling. 

3 Attorney-General of England, and practitioner at the bar of Nandoe's 
coffee-house. He and his connexions are notorious friends of liberty in 
every part of the British dominions. Boston Gazette. 





Then lest that the Commons might take it to heart, 
A letter was written by Rochford with art, 
To tell them, the change did not matter a — ,(«) 
Which nobody could deny. 


But when to the members this letter was read, 
Old Clement suspected, the wise shook their head; 
A committee they'd have to compare it, they said, 
Which nobody can deny. 


And when they examined and found how 'twas altered, 
That Rochford had lied, and that Townshend 4 had palter'd, 
Burgh 5 swore in a rage, "They ought both to be halter'd," 
Which nobody can deny. 

(a) An expression whereby the people of Ireland signify their respect 
for Lord Townshend 's administration. 

4 He is a very civil nobleman, and wrote me a letter of congratulation 
on my being elected an alderman of the city of Dublin. He is own 
brother to the celebrated Charles Townshend, deceased, and was ap- 
pointed to the lieutenancy of Ireland, in the life-time of his said brother. 
He is confessed to have done good to this country one way or another, 
and is much to be recommended for complying with the prejudices of 
the people, in giving the Royal assent, which he could not help, to the 
Octennial Bill, though he always declared it would be the ruin of the 
country, of which there can be no doubt, as it must in the end cause a new 
bridge to be built over the Liffey. His greatest exploit, as a soldier, was 
his taking Quebec, swoid in hand, in person, and then writing letters to 
England, ascribing all the glory of the day to General Wolfe, who was 
dead, and who had no more to say to it than Todd. He also accepted 
kindly of the money-grants of the parliament of Ireland, on the 27th of 
December, 1769, giving the Royal assent to the same. He then read, 




Flood, 6 Langrishe, 7 Bushe, 8 Hussey, 9 were all in a flame, 
Pery, 10 Brownlow, 11 O'Brien/ 3 each patriot name, 
Said the bill ne'er should pass, but go back as it came, 
Which nobody can deny. 

distinctly, a civil protest against the Commons, calling them law-breakers 
instead of luw-inaktrs, to the manifest satisfaction of Judge Robinson, 
who smiled all the time ; and then he prorogued the parliament with 
great good humour, having waited to the last minute for the coming in of 
the packet, to see whether he might not have leave to dissolve them. His 
friends advised him to return to Englaud, immediately after the late 
short Session ; but he prudently declined their councils, foreseeing that 
he should return with more advantage after the successes of this winter; 
and accordingly he hath this Session carried the new Commissioners of 
Excise, and Mr. Dyson's Pension, by a large majority; as also, the altered 
Money Bill, to the great satisfaction of the English Ministry, and to the 
mortification of our foolish patriots, many of whom are my customers, 
for whom I have the greatest respect, veneration, and liking. 

G. Faulkner. 

5 A gentleman, whose principles of government differ from those of 
John Monk Mason, Esq. Com. Journals. 

6 We have done justice to this gentleman in the Bachelor, notwith- 
standing he opposes administration virulently. He thinks a great deal 
of himself, and imitates Doctor Charles Lucas. He writes all the papers 
in the Freeman and the Hibernian Journals in verse and in prose. He 
applied to Lord Townshend for the collection of Kilkenny, in the room 
of his friend, Mr. Langrishe, and also to be tried for his life, and was 
refused both. He has talked a great deal of stuff this winter in the 
parliament-house, and would have talked a great deal more, but for fear 
of Sir George Macartney and Counsellor Power. 

The Authors of Notes on the Epistle to G. E. Howard. 

7 This gentleman is a great joker, but I believe the joke will be against 
him, when I am collector of Kilkenny. I did not, however, like to see 
him vote for government the first day of this Session ; but the next Sunday 
I went to levee, with my friend Jemmy Agar, and made the bargain ; 
and Lord Townshend gave me a wink, and laughed, as much as to say, 





The courtiers began at each other to stare, 
Will Gamble 13 was absent ; Jack Mason not there ; 14 
Confusion for once seiz'd on AverelFs 15 heir. 

Which nobody can deny. 

" Joe, you are snug." I hear he has since done for himself on the 
Money Bill, and exposed himself so much by what he said, that his 
crony, Harry Flood, cried to see him make such a fool of himself. 

Joe Mathews. 

8 This young gentleman is a relation of Dean Marlay, who is a friend 
of Captain Jephson, and therefore probably concerned in some pub- 
lications against my character. He perfidiously and ungratefully opposed 
Government, four days after he got an employment, which gave me 
a good opportunity to lash him in my poetical Dialogue on the Times, 
when I called him Judas Iscariot, and a goose. Burrowes. 

9 This gentleman's being in parliament must hurt him in his profession, 
as every body now sees, that he has neither talents nor liberality of 
sentiment. He does not stick to the question as I do, but is fond of 
being personal, without ingenuity. I thought him tolerable, however, 
upon Scott, and that is the only thing upon which I remember Sir George 
and me ever to have differed. R. Power. 

10 Government accuses this gentleman of great perfidy, in the refu- 
sing to betray the rights of the Commons, though they had placed him 
in the chair for that purpose. 

11 This is a wrong-headed zealot. He opposes the present adminis- 
tration, though he has no view to getting a place or title by it. Upon 
the next general election, Sir Arch. Acheson will show him the difference. 

A freeholder of Armagh. 

12 This Baronet can have no regard for this country; having no pro- 
perty in it, and being descended from upstarts and aliens. 

Sir James Ware. 

13 We have made the strictest enquiry about this gentleman, and can 
only find that he is related to the Provost. 

14 A person, whose Republican principles have prevented his promo- 
tion, and justly endeared him to the people. 

J s By these words the Provost cannot be intended ; Bishop Averell, 
though raised to a mitre by his interest only, having ungratefully disap- 




First Power 16 hobbled up, and cried " What is this rout ? 
(Twas he that gave Black stone the elegant clout) 
Sure Cotton's included, tho' Cotton's left out. 

Which nobody can deny. 

pointed him, by leaving his fortune away from him, which I would not 
have done. L T nder the word "Provost," in the index to Guiciardini's 
History translated, there is a reference to the following passage : 
" Amongst the rest, there came to this council Francisco Andrea, a bold, 
bad man. He had some talents, and was thought to have more. His 
stile and utterance were vulgar and provincial ; his pleasantry was gross ; 
and his seriousness boisterous. Of a strong body, he was able ; and of a 
licentious mind, he was willing to accommodate himself to the vices of 
the great. Next to the turbulent aspirings of his nature, the debauchery 
of wine was his favourite propensity. But it was his connexion with a 
woman which raised him. An eminent courtezan, joining to personal 
charms the grace of theatrical accomplishments, hath access to power, if 
it be not intrenched in virtue. Francisco's paramour had these advan- 
tages, and used them to promote her lover. He thus became an intimate 
of the worst men in the Papal Court, and readily consented to be the 
instrument of their views against his country, in order to secure his per- 
sonal advancement. By their interest he was made president of the 
principal religious and literary foundation in that country. What indig- 
nation did it excite in the wise and virtuous, to behold the education 
and principles of the rising age committed to such a guardian ! The 
treasures of the academy, piously bequeathed by the former president, 
were wasted to erect an edifice for the peculiar habitation of his un- 
worthy successor ; and in a situation distinct and separate from the 
seminary, that he might be exempted from the discipline of the society; 
of a compliance with which he ought to have been the most eminent 
example. He prostituted his prepositorial authority, to pervert the 
public principles of the youth, to the end that he might become master 
of the secular power of the society, and by the most barbarous oppres- 
sion, injured the fame, and was ultimately instrumental to the untimely 
death of an ingenuous youth, whose integrity he could not corrupt. He 
soon became too notorious for hypocrisy, so that his character had no. 

N 2 




Smooth Godfrey 17 declared " 'twas all one in the Greek," 
And hoped " that we never would act upon pique; 
But if George gave a slap, that we'd turn t'other cheek." 

Which nobody should deny. 

refuge in vice, and it sought for none in virtue. But never did he so 
ultimately abandon himself to infamy, as in the government of the second 
Borgia. Before, there might have been observed in him a total oblivion 
of right and decency. But the most active and determined flagitiousness 
was now professed. The gradation of his enormities astonished good 
men ; insomuch, that instead of resolutely opposing their progress, they 
were rather employed in wondering whither they would reach. The 
governor, a perverse, violent, timid, capricious, and debauched man, 
perfectly agreed with Andrea. A sordid, yet expensive household ; ex- 
cess, where it tended to license; and defect in every thing that consti- 
tutes dignity, marked this governor's economy. Midnight heard, but 
did not terminate the uproar of his festivities ; whilst in the morning, the 
halls and galleries of his palace seemed to belong to some deserted man- 
sion ; not a domestic was to be seen, nor did they retain any traits of 
being inhabited, save that they were stained with the surfeit of the over- 
night's debauch. If you were sent for by Borgia, on business the most 
important, from the farthest part of the dominion, he frequently was not 
to be found ; so that you returned without even seeing him, unless you 
might, perhaps, descry him stealing through a postern, to avoid the con- 
ference he himself had appointed. His private favours were insults ; his 
public measures were injuries ; and if some of his base qualities had not 
frustrated others of them, his administration must have been public ruin. 
His cruelty was equal to the dastardliness of his spirit. One instance 
will suffice. Certain soldiers having been sentenced to be shot, he or- 
dered all the boys who performed the martial music of the battalion, to 
attend the ceremony of the execution ; and the more to sport with the 
sympathy of their tender minds, he commanded them to walk round 
and round the panting corpses of these unhappy victims, that not a con- 
vulsion nor an agony of expiring nature, might escape their sensibility. 
Amidst the contempt of the wise, the detestation of the good, and the 
fury of the populace, Borgia and his favourite Andrea, continued to 
consort in every vice and folly. Wisdom was, if possible, ensnared; 




Macartney 18 profess'd a that for half his estate, 
He would not have wish'd this had come in debate, 
Tho' he thought the amendments were not very great." 

Which nobody can deny. 

integrity corrupted; and beauty deceived and injured. Never were two 
men more fitted for each other, nor for the pursuits in which they were 
naturally engaged. They had no character to forfeit : they had no com- 
punctions to elude." Dr. Wilder. 

16 A very able and strong built counsellor at law, who maketh many 
facetious and eloquent speeches in Parliament. His action is forcible 
and easy ; his figure is graceful and compact : the expression of his coun- 
tenance amiable and forbidding; and his matter equal upon all subjects. 
He formed himself on the model of Mr. Malone and Mr. Hutchinson — 
both of whom he much excelleth — the former in dignity and argument, 
the latter in wit and dexterity. His services have been greatly under- 
rated by Government. He having as yet only gotten an employment of 
1,500/. per annum, beside another of 600/. per annum, which he pur- 
chased — nothing but his great intimacy with Sir George Macartney, 
could have retarded his advancement. He publicly exposed the igno- 
rance of Judge Blackstone in point of law, and very much damaged the 
hist volume of his Commentaries not only by handling it very roundly, 
but by giving it several severe thumps against the benches with much 
grace and energy. And it is to this transaction, the poet alludeth by the 
words, " Elegant Clout." 

Authors of the Notes in the Epistle to G. E. Howard. 

17 A rash and unthinking man, who prefers speculative notions of 
liberty, to the solid and substantial interest of himself and his family. 
He is a great sloven in his dress ; and has twice refused to be made a 
Chief Judge, though pressed thereto by Mr. Justice Robinson and others. 

G. Nangle. 

18 This gentleman, considering the great expectations with which he 
began the world, hath been unlucky. He was sent to Russia as an am- 
bassador, where he got the rheumatism ; and in his return through 
Poland, he was knighted. He no sooner got to London, than he had 
the misfortune to be appointed secretary to Lord Townshend. His con- 




" If the bill they rejected/' he simper'd and said, 
" That the King would appoint a new house in their stead ; 
And, as for the placemen, they'd forfeit their bread."* 
Which nobody should deny. 


The matter was grave, and all joke was apart ; 
Joe Miller, Poor Robin,ax\& Watson so smart, 
Were now of use, though he had them by heart. 

Which nobody can deny. 

nexion with a certain unpopular Earl, it is imagined, brought these things 
upon him. He has the best memory in the world, and retaineth a multitude 
of things, which nobody else ever remembered. He not only hath by heart 
Joe Miller, but the Wit's Vade Mecum, the Merry Fellow, Nash's Jests, 
Every Man his own Companion, and a variety of other ingenious authors, 
so as that he is never at a loss for something to say. 

By Poor Robin . 

We are told, the poet alludeth to a celebrated ancient ode, entitled 
" the Babes in Wood." That shining performance, Watson's Almanack, 
was of singular service to this gentleman and to his country, and gave 
him great influence in the northern courts, by enabling him to foretell an 
eclipse. He hath a large rental, which he ordered to be laid on the 
table of the House of Commons for the perusal of the members. His 
remembering and quoting during dinner, at Lord Holland's table, every 
word of a pamphlet, written by his lordship, entitled " Every Man his 
own Broker/' recommended him much to that nobleman's attention, who 
generously gave him just notions of the prerogative royal. When the Com- 
mons pretended to share with the Privy Council in framing money-bills, 
he spoke roundly to them, and told them that it was very ungenteel when 
they were giving a present to make a rout about it, or, as he very sig- 
nificantly expressed it, " to look a gift-horse in the mouth. 7 ' He is a man 
of great abilities, but he is so modest that he can never bring himself to 
make much use of them ; and publicly declaring, one day when he ex- 
pected to die of the gripes, or some obstruction in the Parliament-house, 
that he would have no monument, being satisfied to be entombed in the 
hearts of his countrymen. 

Authors of the Notes on the Epistles C. E. Howard. 




The Prime Serjeant then with a shuffling preamble ; 19 
Like a nag that before he can canter must amble, 
Betwixt right and wrong made a whimsical shamble. 

Which nobody can deny. 


" Twas important," he said, " and avail'd not a groat, 
But whether it was right, or whether it was naught, 
Or whether he'd vote for it, or whether he would not," 
He'd neither assert nor deny. 

19 What diverts me most in this ge'mman is, his anxiety for fear of 
losing popularity, as if he had any to lose. He is jealous of me, and as 
peevish as an old maid. I love to tease him. I endeavour to put him 
on as odious ground as I can in Parliament, and then I am the first to 
complain of him that Government should expose their servants to so 
much obloquy without occasion. I magnify to him the favours and 
confidence I receive from Government, and my correspondence with 
Rigby, &c, which nettles him to the heart. He is finical for Lord 
Townshend, who makes very good sport of him. One day he dined at 
the Castle, and when the company broke up, Lord Townshend, who 
pretended to be more in liquor than he was, threw his arms about his 
neck and cried out, " My dear Tisdall, my sheet-anchor! my whole de- 
pendance! Don't let little Hutchinson come near me; keep him off, 
my dear friend ; he's damned tiresome, keep him off." At other times 
his Excellency makes formal appointments to dine at Palmerstown at 
a distant day. The Prime Serjeant invites all the officers of state; 
Mrs. Hutchinson is in a flurry ; they send to me for my cook ; and after 
a fortnight's bustle, when dinner was half spoiled, his Excellency sends 
an excuse and dines with any common acquaintance that he happens to 
meet in strolling about the street that morning. This ge'mman has a 
pretty method enough of expressing himself indeed, but in points of law 
there are better opinions. My friend, the late primate, who knew 
men, said, that the Prime Serjeant was the only person he had ever met 
with, who got ready money in effect, for every vote he gave in Parlia- 
ment. He has got, among the rest, the reversion of my secretary's office ; 
but I think I shall outlive him. Phil. Tisdall. 




The next that stepp'd forward was innocent Phil? 
Who said, " that in things of the kind he'd no skill, 
But yet that he thought it a mighty good bill." 

Which nobody could deny. 


Then moved to adjourn to Monday, or so, 
" That Townshend might talk to each friend and each foe, 
And then he could guess how the matter would go." 

Which nobody can deny. 


Thus Hely, Sir George, Godfrey, Power, and Phil, 
Would fain have seduced them to swallow this pill ; 
But the Commons soon smoked them, and threw out the bill. 
Which nobody can deny. 

30 This gentleman has not been long in Parliament ; and has not had 
an opportunity, therefore, of learning the craft of politics : but with the 
simplicity and innocence of youth and inexperience, has always espoused 
the popular party in this country, and resisted the encroachments of the 
crown. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that he has never received 
any considerable favours from the Government, or that his offices at pre- 
sent should not exceed 5000/. per annum. He has, however, obtained 
lately a reversionary grant of the alnager's place, after the death of John 
Hely Hutchinson, Esq., with a promise that a pension of 1000/. a year, 
at will, which the latter hath lately obtained, shall be annexed to the 
office as an additional salary ,for the life of the said Philip Tisdall ; which 
accounts for that inviolable affection which subsists between them. He 
gave his interest in Ardee to Mr.Ruxton against his own brother, rather 
than disturb the ancient and well-grounded rights of that worthy patriot ; 
and generously refused to harass that gentleman with a vexatious suit, 
assisted by a confederacy in the Courts, and on the bench, though he 
might thereby have put money into his said brother's pocket, who is an 
officer of the court, and at least enabled him to have carried on the con- 
test at Mr. Ruxton's expense. Dick Dawson. 





And here we conclude our historical strain ; 
So God bless his Majesty, long may he reign, 31 
To alter our money-bills always — in vain ! 

Which nobody can deny. 

It was at this period that Mr. Grattan wrote 
the character of Lord Chatham. The popular 
party in Ireland were then engaged in a fierce 
political controversy with Lord Townshend, and in 
a number of publications attacked his government. 
Those written by Mr. Grattan were, " Posthu- 
mus," " Pericles," and the dedication of " Bara- 
taria." He read them to his friends, and they 
were struck by the description of Lord Chatham. 
Langrishe observed that they should not let that 
go. " But how shall we introduce it ?" said 
Flood. Langrishe, whose mind was ever playful, 
arranged it rather drolly. — " I'll settle it thus. 
We ll put it in a note, as if from Dr. Robertson. 
He is going to publish a new edition of his Ame- 
rica — that is Chatham's subject ; so we shall say 
we have been favoured with this character of the 
champion of the colonies." The idea was droll ; 
the party agreed to it ; and many believed that 

21 I hope this will amount to high treason ! It wishes His Majesty to 
livelong, but then it is only on condition, it should seem ; and that a 
condition which, it is to be hoped, will fail, viz., that His Majesty may 
be frustrated in the assertion of his prerogative over the money of his 
subjects. May not this be construed into a species of imagining the king's 
death ? Quere, vide Scroggs and Jeffries, the Doct. on ship-money, and 
my pamphlet in 1753 above all. Chri. Robinson. 




the character came from Dr. Robertson, and in 
vain looked for it in his history. To this circum- 
stance was owing the preservation of that ad- 
mirable production. 

Some remarks may here not inaptly be made on 
the character of Sir Hercules Langrishe. He was 
a man born for society, and endowed with qualities 
that would have charmed a court without the aid 
of flattery. The brightness of his mind, and the 
flashes of his wit, cast a lustre on all he touched, 
and whenever he appeared, it was sunshine all 
around. His mind was a perpetual spring. No 
winter ever made its appearance there. He pos- 
sessed much good judgment, and from afar he 
could distinguish the bearing of political measures 
and trace them to their consequences. He per- 
ceived very early the folly and the errors of past 
governments, and he gave his support to the lead- 
ing measures in favour of his country. He was 
liberal in his sentiments and principles, and was 
not merely a strenuous advocate, but a firm cham- 
pion, for the religious liberties of his countrymen ; 
and he urged their claims with unwearied zeal. 
As a speaker he was never deficient, but in speak- 
ing he did not resort to his wit or his humour. 
His manner was easy and agreeable, his taste was 
correct, and his humour playful and irresistible. 
His style was excellent, and his writings full of 
lightness and pleasantry. 

The characters that he draws in the fie- 




titious work entitled Barataria, are admirable, 
and for the most part just. He was a fine 
painter, and had the pencil of a master. The 
description of Dorothea Monroe is beautiful, and 
was worthy of the original. That of the attorney- 
general (Tisdall) is inimitable ; his grave coun- 
tenance is precisely depicted. " Don Philip, the 
Moor, looked dismal, but felt not the least concern 
this was exactly the individual, concealing his sen- 
timents while his mind was wholly indifferent. 
Bumperoso represented Andrews, a jovial good- 
humoured character, possessing a vulgar mirth 
which made itself agreeable, but without an idea 
of principle. 

Like the poetry of ancient bards, the witticisms 
of Sir Hercules Langrishe have met with oral 
tradition. Some of them were strongly expres- 
sive of his national feeling. On one occasion, when 
riding with the Lord Lieutenant in the Phoenix 
Park, his Excellency complained of his predeces- 
sors, and asked why they had left the place in 
such a wet and swampy state; Langrishe replied, 
" they were too much occupied in draining the rest of 
the kingdom." On another occasion, being asked 
where could be found the best history of Ireland, 
he answered, " in the continuation of Raping 

Langrishe lived to a considerable age, courted 
by all and beloved by many. In 1810, I accom- 
panied Mr. Grattan to see him. He was then ap- 
proaching seventy-eight, but full of mirth and 



[chap. IX. 

humour. " Come," said he, " I must have a Henry 
Grattan on either side;" and, sitting down be- 
tween us, he referred to times past, when Flood, 
Burgh, Daly, E. Malone, and Mr. Grattan, used 
to meet and debate in political conclave. He re- 
peated the passages just mentioned from " Bara- 
taria," and dwelt upon the charms of Miss Monroe, 
of whom he was reckoned the admirer. In a short 
time after he died, and Mr. Grattan wrote the 
following lines : — 

Oh, friend ! and while with death-like step thy hearse 

Goes to the grave, may I in weeping verse, 

By love, by duty, and by sorrow led, 

Attend the bier, and there review the dead 

Departed friend. Oh, thou wert born to please, 

And live with mirth, serenity, and ease. 

Thine was the ready turn, the pleasant hit, 

Thou soul of sunshine, and thou god of wit. 

For ever gentle, and for ever gay, 

Thy life a philosophic comedy. 

Satire withheld the sting, but gave the dart 

The keenest humour, and the kindest heart. 

Alas ! thy humour and thy wit are gone, 

And the gay colours of the life are flown. 

Sunk in the grave what varied powers we see ; 

How many pleasant thoughts have died with thee ! 

He loved his country, and lie loved her laws ; 

He drew his pen in freedom's sacred cause ; 

He sung his country's graces as her wrong ; 

Love reached his heart, and love improved his song. 

See, Barataria comes his death to mourn ! 

And Dorothea* weeping o'er his urn ! 

* Miss Munroe, afterwards Mrs. Richardson, one of the most dis- 
tinguished beauties of that day. 



Farewell ! I borrow from the grave the hour 

It lends me to survive, and to deplore 

Thy matchless merit, and the death to mourn 

Of wit and worth that never will return ; 

So may thy gracious spirit wing its way, 

And give a brighter joy to Heaven's immortal day ! 

The following poem was composed by Sir 
Hercules Langrishe on two celebrated female 
singers, who appeared in Dublin and were highly- 
admired for their personal charms as well as for 
their talents. 



Two songsters, of the feather'd kind, 
In friendly emulation join'd, 
Explored the secret sweets of sound, 
And scattered melody around. 

The lark aspired to touch the skies, 
Beyond the reach of human eyes, 
Pouring before the list'ning throng 
The wild profusion of her song. 
'Twas wonderful — 'twas sweet — 'twas clear ; 
Yet forced no sigh, yet drew no tear ; 
For, tuned by accident or fashion, 
And not the growth of any passion, 
It leaves no trace beyond the present, 
And is but whimsically pleasant. 
She wafts wild notes from pole to pole ; 
But independent of the soul, 
She strikes you only with surprise ; 
She aims, but wounds not, as she flies. 

* This lady afterwards married Lord Tyrawly. 




The God of Pleasure smil'd ; but knew 
He yet had something more to do; 
And forth, from a sequestered dale, 
He call'd his favourite nightingale. 
With virgin tears, and graceful shame, 
Trembling, the little warbler came ; 
With chasten'd note, with magic song, 
That bear th' enraptur'd sense along, 
And consecrate the sacred grove, 
To sensibility and love. 

She shunn'd the tumult and the crowd, 
The light, the frivolous, and loud ; 
And in the silent, sober shade, 

In all her lovely looks array'd, 

Pour'd forth a silver sound, that stole 

From the recesses of her soul ; 

And every heavenly note she sings 

Bespeaks the source from which it springs. 
Her chaste, and pure, and polish'd strain 

Maintain a regulated reign, 

And can, with gentle sway, controul 

Each fond emotion of the soul ; 

Diffuse her influence through the grove, 

As nature true, as soft as love. 

The warm, the amorous, and the young 

Feel all th' enchantment of her song ; 

Whilst cold philosophy may praise 

The strict refinement of her lays ; 

The sons of levity and noise, 

Dull votaries to vulgar joys ! 

Whose souls are of a coarser clay, 

May drink no rapture from her lay! 

But to heap offerings on her shrine, 

Talents, and taste, and genius join. 

Sweet bird ! may no ungenial blast 
Thy temperate dawning overcast! 
May neither violence nor fraud 
Pursue thy footsteps, whilst abroad J 



And may it never be your fate, 

To find that a defenceless state, 

A life of innocence and ease, 

With every power and wish to please, 

Without one talent to do harm, 

Can wake that spleen it should disarm ! 

May some good genius be thy friend, — 
Auspicious on thy steps attend ; 
Protect thee still from every foe, 
And guard the song that charms us so! 
May love, and peace, and friendship rest 
Perpetual inmates in your breast, 
To stamp a bliss that may endure, 
To make you blest as you are pure ; 
To tune that song, that charm'd the groves, 
To your own raptures, your own loves! 

The people naturally began to speculate upon 
the character of the Viceroy, whose conduct in 
the instances before related appeared so excep- 
tionable. They found that he had not been a 
real friend of the Octennial Bill ; that he had not 
given, though he had promised, a Judge's Bill ; 
that he was not a general advocate for liberty ; 
and that his conduct* in America was no excep- 
tion to the other parts of his life. His situation 

* On the death of General Wolfe at Quebec, Colonel Townshend, 
eager to obtain the glory, accepted the surrender of the town. But this 
conduct was so improper, that he was obliged to make an apology in 
writing to General Monckton, who succeeded Wolfe as next in com- 
mand, and was the superior officer to Townshend. When the latter 
returned to England and presented himself at levee, George II. was so 
much displeased, that he turned away ; — upon which Charles Townshend, 
his brother, pushed him on till he got the King to speak to him ; which 
he was not persuaded to do, without some difficulty. 



to an ordinary man would have been alarming ; 
he was sinking under the weight of an odious 
system ; attacked by men whose animosity he 
had provoked, and whose talents he feared ; 
entangled in a number of engagements ; existing, 
not on political credit, but on the credulity of the 
creditor ; disliked by the nation, and in Parlia- 
ment honourably assailed and meanly supported. 

His imprudence now brought affairs to a close ; 
and in the month of February, 1772, Sir James 
Cotter moved, " that whoever had advised the 
King, after the resolutions of the 19th of November 
last, to appoint the new commissioners, had re- 
commended a measure contrary to the sense 
of the House." This was supported by Flood, 
Brownlow, Hussey Burgh, Ponsonby, and Fitz- 
gibbons (the father). The numbers, on a divi- 
sion, were equal, being 106 each, and it was on 
this occasion, as before alluded to, that the spirit 
and dignity of Mr. Pery were displayed, when 
he gave his casting vote in favour of the Privileges 
of the House. 

Mr. John Fitzgibbons, the individual just men- 
tioned, was father to the Earl of Clare, but a very 
different character; plain, straightforward, and un- 
ostentatious. He lived retired and much respected, 
hating all parade and grandeur, except the true 
grandeur of simplicity. Probably an aid-de- 
camp never entered his room. As a lawyer, he 




stood high in his profession, and practised with 
much success and high repute. On coming to 
the bar, he published a work, entitled, " Notes 
on Cases determined at Westminster," which for 
its accuracy, received the commendation of Lord 
Hardwicke, then Chancellor He had gone the 
circuit as Judge, in 1771, and in Waterford had 
made excellent charges to the grand juries, en- 
treating them, in a manner unusual in a judge, to 
encourage their domestic manufactures, as the 
best means then of supporting the people, and 
preventing the ruin of the country. He was for a 
long time Member of Parliament, and took part 
against Lord Townshend's Government ; and in 
November of 1773, after a very able speech, had 
moved resolutions condemning the profusion of 
the administration, and recommending a retrench- 
ment in the expenses of Government. He had 
been a Roman Catholic, had conformed twice, 
and having acquired money in his profession, he 
made a landed purchase ; but fearful of a flaw in 
the title, it was said that he turned discoverer to 
his own estates, in order that he might more 
effectually have the benefit of the Popery Laws. 

Notwithstanding the imperious conduct on the 
part of the Viceroy before mentioned, the disregard 
manifested by Government to the opinions of the 
House, and to the address which they presented, 
yet in the month of May, 1773, they were so 
compliant as to vote an address of thanks to Lord 




Townshend, for his administration of the affairs of 
the country. 

It was on a motion of Sir Lucius O'Brien, 
respecting the expenses of Government, that 
Mr. Flood made the remarkable speech, censuring 
in the highest degree, the conduct of Lord Towns- 
hend. The following is the only fragment that 
remains, and as it has never yet appeared among 
his speeches, it is here given. The praise that he 
claims for the passing the Octennial Bill is more 
than he deserved ; Doctor Lucas is entitled to a 
great portion, and so likewise is Mr. Flood. 

Mr. Flood said, " I am not in anywise amazed, 
that those who are under obligations to Lord 
Townshend should attempt to defend his conduct. 
Gratitude exacts this duty from them, and the 
debt, though paid at the expense of their inte- 
grity, yet the justice of this private virtue may 
seemingly account for ; but as I am under no 
such compliment to that Noble Lord, I will speak 
my thoughts with freedom, and express my sen- 
timents unawed. For my part, I have ever 
opposed the administration of Lord Townshend, 
not from personal pique or private spleen, but 
from a manifest, from a warranted conviction, 
that he had acted wrong. I have, since the 
opening of the Session, rather been silent on his 
conduct, because I wished those wounds which 
he gave my country might be healed, and that a 
name so hateful to the virtuous part of this House 


should be buried in oblivion. But when 1 find 
unmerited applause bestowed, unjust panegyric 
given, and he who deserves the severest censure 
adorned with laurels, I cannot patiently sit and 
silently listen. A gentleman (Mr. Agar) on my 
left hand, has called the Noble Lord to order 
because he should dare to speak against his 
patron. Who was it first began the theme ? I 
appeal to the House, if from the Government side 
the altercation did not originate ? An honourable 
member opposite to me first mentioned Lord 
Townshend ; I did not, nor did any of my friends ; 
they brought him forward, and are answerable for 
what has been, or may be said of him. It was 
observed, in this now absent nobleman's praise, 
that the most salutary laws we ever experienced 
owed their being enacted to him. I deny it from 
my soul. 1 speak with confidence, nor am I apt 
to tell untruths. The Octennial Bill, which has 
been so loudly echoed as his deed, he derives not 
the smallest merit from. It was I who first gave 
the assisting hand to that excellent law ; nor am 
I ashamed to pay myself the compliment ; for 
honest fame is the just reward of an upright 
heart, and I am not averse to the gift. I followed 
the bill to the other side, and when it was the 
doubt of the minister whether it should pass, 
I told him the arguments that were its founda- 
tion. In this I was backed by Lord Chatham, 
and the minister allowed them unanswerable. I 

o 2 



therefore do aver, that from this transaction Lord 
Townshend cannot expect the shadow of honour. 
I speak freely, for 1 am afraid of no man. I seek 
no favour, but the applause which may flow from 
performing my duty. I am under (as I said 
before), no obligation to this or that Viceroy, and 
I believe I may say I rejected proffered benefits. 
I shall now only remark, that from every obser- 
vation I could make — from every observation an 
honest man could make — Lord Townshend acted 
as an enemy, a professed enemy to our country, 
our constitution, and our liberties : for which 
reason, instead of panegyric, he should, by every 
real friend to Ireland, be treated as a public 
malefactor. The protest for which that Noble 
Lord was so justly censured, was his own sole 
act, therefore he deserved all that could be said 
against it. The Honourable Member on the oppo- 
site floor (Mr. Mason) formerly did oppose the 
Octennial Bill, and now he would give to his 
benefactor praise for it. So that either Lord 
Townshend can derive no merit from the act, sup- 
posing him to have done it, or he (Mr. Mason) 
must be wrong in opposing it. But for my part, 
I want not any proof to reconcile to my own 
mind that the law was in every respect salutary; 
for I look on it to be what it has been, and will 
be proved, — an Act of the greatest public utility 
both to the country and the constitution." 

We must here give some account of this able, 




this talented, and singular individual, Mr. Flood. 
He was one of the most remarkable personages 
who had then appeared in Ireland. He was the 
leading character of the day, and one of the most 
able and most eloquent Members of Parliament, 
and the first who introduced oratory into the 
House of Commons. He was an excellent man 
for party ; ever ready and prepared, his know- 
ledge enabled him to attack, and his natural talent 
and powers of satire gave him great advantage in 
reply. Quick, sharp, and severe ; a good de- 
bater, and possessed of the art of giving great 
annoyance to a government, or to a minister; for 
even if defeated, he returned undaunted to the 
charge, and renewed the contest with surpassing- 
dexterity and perseverance. In his speaking- 
there was a semblance of elaboration, and much 
solemnity, though in his opening he was rather 
too slow for a popular audience. His figures were 
correct, his arguments just, and his matter often 
affecting. His voice was good, though his arti- 
culation was not perfectly free from an Irish 
accent, and its tones were sometimes harsh and 
discordant. He was a great master of logic, 
which, though it sometimes tires, yet in this case 
obtained for him great admiration ; and the Uni- 
versity of Dublin, accustomed to syllogisms, 
poured forth its numerous and ardent hearers, 
who conferred upon him the palm of oratory. 
Though his compositions were good, they were 




not sufficiently flowing, and were often long and 
didactic. But his spirit, his passion, his strength 
of mind, overcame all lesser defects ; and when 
he grew strongly animated, and his temper some- 
what ruffled, he bore down all before him, and 
spoke, especially in reply, with masterly ability. 
He always improved as he proceeded in a debate ; 
for he was superior in the art of disputation, and 
was an excellent wrangler; so that his second 
speech was better than his first, and his third 
would have been superior to either. 

Mr. Flood was born in 1732, and brought into 
Parliament for the county of Kilkenny, in the 
last year of the reign of George the Second. He 
was educated for the bar, but enjoyed an inde- 
pendent fortune, and possessed considerable in- 
fluence in the country. His taste and his talents 
inclined him to politics, to which he had from an 
early period applied himself, and had been a dili- 
gent attendant on the House of Commons. His 
industry in his youth was remarkable. He had 
taken great pains with himself ; and though 
affected by a severe malady, which left its ravages 
on his person, and somewhat impaired his speak- 
ing, yet he overcame the defect, and succeeded. 
His great perseverance and application brought 
him through. He composed much; was an excel- 
lent classical scholar — fond of poetry — and wrote 
it with much taste. He had translated two books 
of Homer ; and copied, with alterations and addi- 




tions, the two last books of Milton's Paradise Lost. 
He wrote out from every play in Shakspeare, the 
most beautiful passages, and collected them in 
small manuscript volumes. He had translated 
the finest speeches of Demosthenes, — and read 
them to Mr. Hussey Burgh, Mr. Grattan, and 
Mr. Daly. All these manuscripts have unfortu- 
nately been lost. 

Mr. Flood had studied Cicero with great care, 
and learned by heart the finest passages, which 
he used to repeat with much taste and feeling. 
He was possessed of an excellent and a happy 
memory ; and his conversation was pleasing and 
instructive. He gave a fire and a spirit to the 
political society of that day, which proved of great 
utility. Ireland was much indebted to him; and 
it may justly be said that he was the first who 
gave a free turn to the times in which he lived, 
and a spirit and a tone to Irish liberty. 

Mr. Flood was fond of hunting ; and his con- 
vivial habits rendered him very popular. His in- 
fluence was in consequence very great. The 
county of Kilkenny, in which he resided, was 
remarkable for the wit and mirth of its society, 
and many humorous anecdotes relating to those 
times are still remembered and related. Private 
theatricals were much in fashion in those days, 
and several plays were acted at Flood-hall, and 
at Sir Hercules Langrishe's, who resided in the 
neighbourhood. At one of these representations, 




Flood performed the part of 4 'Macbeth;" and as he 
lay stretched on the stage, Langrishe recited to the 
audience an Epilogue which he had composed for 
the occasion ; reflecting with much humour on the 
characters of the several actors, and among others 
on Flood — that he had been quiet for several 
years, but that when he had spoken, it was for 
the good of his country. This amused the au- 
dience ; for Flood, who lay on the stage all the 
time, was obliged to listen to this critique on his 
own conduct, and was very desirous that the 
dying scene should conclude. Instead of joining 
in the mirth, he grew angry, and wrote a Pro- 
logue for the ensuing day, in which he attacked 
Langrishe with some severity, and ended by 
saying, " Though not a Commissioner — much worse 
than Mason" It was supposed that Lang- 
rishe was desirous of being appointed commis- 
sioner, and that Mr. Mason was not the ablest 
of public officers. The party were dissatisfied 
with Flood, who should have let the matter pass 
over, and Langrishe would have been blamed for 
his remark ; but as Flood took it up, it shewed a 
jealous disposition, and caused some displeasure. 

Flood seemed to possess a mind that was not 
only elastic, but indomitable. On one occasion, 
being extremely ill, he was obliged to undergo a 
painful operation, and the next day his friends 
went to see him, fearing that he would be low and 
depressed in consequence ; but, on the contrary, 



to their great surprise and satisfaction, they found 
him quite elate, full dressed, powdered, his sword 
at his side, and in great spirits. 

In his youth, Flood had been handsome. He 
had a fine figure, an imposing aspect, but a some- 
what gaunt appearance. His action in public 
speaking was good, and his delivery impressive. 
His manners were captivating, and in private he 
was most agreeable — the very reverse of what he 
was in public ; — there was then nothing of invec- 
tive, nothing harsh or severe. He had the art of 
conciliating every body by his pleasant narratives, 
lively anecdotes, and great classical taste. In 
conversation he contrived to lower his own opinion 
of himself, and to raise that of his adversary ; 
and he never suffered himself to be soured, or to 
lose his temper in argument, but yielded to his 
opponent, and sent him away delighted with his 
success, and with Mr. Flood's manner. No one 
knew the practical art of reasoning in private, 
better than he did. He never contradicted; he 
listened patiently ; and if he differed, he never 
introduced altercation. But not so in public : 
there he often offended, and then he undermined 
his adversaries. His reply on the question of 
simple repeal, is a dry argument. His defence of 
himself, in reply to Mr. Grattan's attack, is an 
ingenious and good composition. His speech in 
1763, on Doctor Lucas's motion, when he intro- 
duced the Bill for shortening the duration of 



Parliament, is lost, but was said to have been ex- 
cellent. It was the first important question in 
which he took part. 

Doctor Lucas and Mr. Flood got leave to bring 
in a Bill to limit the duration of Parliament. 
The bill had been introduced by Dr. Lucas in 
1761 ; it passed in the Privy Council, and was 
lost in England ; but it was again urged in the 
three succeeding sessions (then biennial), and on 
the second of these occasions, Mr. Flood gave it a 
most animated and eloquent support. He began 
with a grave emphasis : — 

" Sir — I came down to this House undecided ; 
I had to form my opinion. I listened and felt con- 
vinced ; I listened with attention, and 1 changed 
my conviction. From the hoary senator who 
spoke the language of his heart, down to the inge- 
nuous youth who promise to their country a suc- 
cession of virtue, — I was convinced by their 
arguments ; I was delighted with their eloquence." 

This style had its effect, and was received with 
much applause ; though perhaps it was not very 
natural or very candid ; but it grew so much upon 
him, that Mr. G. Bushe said, " he was like a 
beauty who preserves her airs, after she has lost 
her charms." 

Possibly it was not ill adapted to a young 
country ; and to Flood's eloquence, the suc- 
cess of that measure (the Octennial Bill) is in 



a great degree to be attributed. The deliberate 
wisdom of Mr. Pery ; the exertions of Provost 
Andrews, not only in the House of Commons, but 
in the Council ; and, above all, the bold and in- 
trepid perseverance of Dr. Lucas ; these ultimately 
carried the measure. 

Notwithstanding what Mr. Flood said upon the 
subject (as before referred to) he would have had 
more credit, had he claimed less ; others would 
have given him the praise which, having assumed 
to himself, they were disposed to deny him. 

The extravagant grants in pensions, by which 
Lord Townshend's Administration was distin- 
guished, were opposed by Mr. Flood with great 
ability; and he annoyed the Government, by attack- 
ing all their jobs, and exposing their malpractices. 
In 17CG he introduced a Militia Bill, in a speech 
distinguished for brilliant and impressive elo- 
quence ; but the majority which Ministers then 
were sure to command, rendered all his efforts 
fruitless. The bill was rejected, and never after 

Like most of the Governments of Ireland, that 
of Lord Townshend's was corrupt and profligate. Its 
principle, like that of Lord Clare's in after times, 
was to govern by corruption ; and places were 
created, divided, and diffused over the country, 
for the purposes of bribery, in order to effect the 
object which Government then had in view — the 
destruction of the aristocracy ; for the dawn of 




national spirit that began to manifest itself in 
1753, had alarmed the British Government, and 
they thought it incumbent on them to repress 
every approach towards public virtue, however 
feeble or remote. There were, at that time, two 
or three families whose junction would have con- 
siderably embarrassed the Minister, and have 
rendered it difficult for him to have carried his 
measures, and whose criminal affection for liberty 
and popular rights, began to be viewed by Go- 
vernment with a jealous eye, and a vindictive dis- 
position. The Duke of Leinster, the Ponsonbys, 
and Lord Shannon, were the principal leaders, 
and formed a party much better calculated for 
the direction of the affairs of the country than 
the government of men whose avowed principle 
was corruption; and who, as was afterwards openly 
declared, had expended half a million in their in- 
famous traffic. * 

This government Mr. Flood opposed on prin- 
ciple. The proceeding which drew forth his most 
spirited exertions, was the conduct of the Lord 
Lieutenant, on the rejection of the Money Bill by 
the House of Commons, in 1769. The Bill had 
originated in the Privy Council, and was sent to 
the Commons, and by them very properly re- 
jected. As representatives of the people, they 
were the guardians of the public purse, and justly 

* See speech of Mr. Fitzgibbon, Attorney-General, afterwards Earl 
of Clare; also Mr. Grattan's speech. 




claimed the right to grant the public money, and 
to originate all bills of supply. The Lord Lieu- 
tenant, indignant at the rejection of a measure 
which had taken rise in his council, and to which 
he expected the submissive assent of the House 
of Commons, proceeded to enter his protest on 
the Journals of the House of Lords, in imitation 
of the precedent set by Lord Sydney ; and after 
that he prorogued the parliament. 

At this, the opposition took fire, and Mr. Flood 
attacked the government with unrelenting seve- 
rity. He did not confine himself to his sphere as 
Member of Parliament, but commenced a series 
of letters in the Freeman's Journal, under the 
signature of " Syndercombe," abounding in spirit, 
principle, and ability ; in some degree resembling 
Junius in point of style, but deficient in ease, and 
burthened with a forced affectation of metaphor. 
These letters were replied to by Mr. Jephson, 
under the signature of " Broghill ;" but these 
replies are a weak production, displaying little 
talent and no principle. 

All these efforts, however, were of no avail ; the 
heavy hand of Government bore down every thing 
beneath it, and Parliament would not afford any 
effectual resistance to its acts of power, or its arts 
of seduction. Mr. Flood grew dissatisfied. He 
complained to a person, from whom I heard it, 
that he could not trust any man or any party. 
W'hen he had acted with a party, their views were 




discovered ; when he had acted with a few, their 
views were also discovered ; and when he acted 
even with one individual, his views were betrayed. 
He said, the only way any thing could be effected 
for the country was, by going along with Govern- 
ment, and making their measures diverge towards 
public utility, and thereby some acquisition would 
be gained by the people. He was disappointed 
at finding that his abilities, however great, had 
proved of little service to his country ; and that 
his ambition, which was not inconsiderable, had 
no chance of being gratified ; the people being so 
weak that they could not assist any opposition, 
and the Government so powerful that they could 
not be opposed with any certainty of success. 
He saw that the public mind was in its infancy, — 
that it wanted instruction, — that it wanted politi- 
cal knowledge and political courage, and was not 
ripe for action. No sinister events from without 
had as yet befallen the Empire, that could shake 
the ministerial incubus which stifled every national 
sentiment, and depressed every attempt at public 

Such were, perhaps, the feelings which ope- 
rated on the mind of Mr. Flood, and rendered 
him unquiet and dissatisfied. They soured his 
temper, and were unfortunately fostered, and 
finally brought into action, by the successful arts 
of Lord Harcourt's ministry in 1772. Sir John 
Blaquiere was at that time secretary. An artful, 




a corrupt, and a cunning minister, he was ac- 
quainted with Mr. Flood, and was jealous of his 
fame and abilities ; he resolved, therefore, if pos- 
sible, to ruin him ; accordingly, he courted his 
society, flattered his talents, and, after much 
political cajolery, he at length persuaded him to 
accept office. In October, 1775, Mr. Flood took 
the place of Vice Treasurer, with £3500 a-year 

Xothing could be more unfortunate for Mr. 
Flood than such a step. Money was no considera- 
tion to him ; for his private fortune amounted to 
£4000 or £5000 a year. Of the abilities of his 
new associates he entertained no very favourable 
idea, and of their honesty he could entertain still 

The Harcourt administration stood unrivalled 
in Ireland for expense and prodigality. The new 
pensions granted at that period amounted to no 
less a sum than £25,000. The salaries of the 
three Vice-Treasurers of Ireland, and of the Clerk 
of the Pells, were increased by an addition of 
£1000 a-year to each. The embargo, which in- 
volved a dispensing power, almost beggared the 
nation. The address of the 10th of October, 
1775, and the consequent vote of 4000 men in the 
following month, to fight against America, who 
was contending for a principle favourable to Ire- 
land, were acts mean in principle, ruinous in 
policy, and, to the liberties of Ireland, (if ever she 



obtained any,) must have proved fatal in the ex- 

Yet, such a Ministry, and such measures, it 
was the fate of Mr. Flood to countenance. He 
did it, however, with as little fervour as could be 
expected from an individual whose mind was im- 
pressed with popular tendencies. He sat upon 
the upper benches of the House, and generally 
remained silent. Sometimes, however, he spoke, 
but rather to find fault with, than to oppose 

The question of the American war involved a 
principle that virtually affected Ireland. It was 
a principle of liberty, for if America was put 
down, Ireland would not rise; and Lord Chatham 
justly observed, that " Ireland was American." 
The address of the 10th of October committed her 
to the war, and, in the next month, Ministers 
compelled her to embark in it. They proposed 
that 4000 men should be sent from the Irish 
establishment to fight the Americans. The stipu- 
lated defence of Ireland was originally 12,000 
men, and Parliament, conceiving that force too 
small, had, in 1767, voted an increase of 3000 
men, which were constantly to be kept up in 
Ireland, except in cases of invasion or insurrection 
in Great Britain. This stipulation was, by the 
proposed vote, directly infringed ; and Parliament 
was induced, in the time of danger, to diminish 
the establishment, and leave Ireland exposed, 



and to send against America 4000 ''armed nego- 
tiators" as Mr. Flood termed them. But this 
measure, so hostile to the freedom of America, 
was the most fortunate event for the liberties of 
Ireland, as it gave birth to that illustrious band 
of patriots — the Irish Volunteers. Thus was Mr. 
Flood instrumental, though unconsciously, in ef- 
fecting the measure which the Government that he 
supported most feared and were most averse to. 
Had the regular army not been withdrawn, the 
free citizens would not have been called forth to 
defend their country ; or had they aimed at the 
restoration of their rights, they might have been 
worsted by the superior skill which a regular 
army must possess over inexperienced troops, 
however ardent and enthusiastic. How often is it 
that nations as well as men commit the greatest 
errors in those very points where they appear 




Mr. Grattan at the Temple.— Political excitement. — Character of Wilkes 
— Sketch of the events of those times, by Mr. Grattan. — Lord Chat- 
ham's Ministry — Inutility of opposition to it. — Court of Prince Fre- 
derick. — The Whigs and the Aristocracy. — Retirement of Mr. Pitt 
and the Duke of Newcastle. — The tables turned. — Birth of the Whig 
Minority. — Appointment of the Chatham Ministry. — Return of Wilkes 
from exile — His election for Middlesex — His outlawry reversed— His 
reception by the people — His fine and imprisonment — His treatment 
by the Government. — Lord Weymouth's letter. — Wilkes repeatedly 
elected for Middlesex, and as repeatedly rejected by the House of 
Commons — This measure defended. — Petitions of the people. — For- 
midable opposition. — Beckford . — Granby. — Camden. — Grenville.— 
Cowardice of the Ministry. — Ineflficacy of the Opposition — Reasons 
for this. — Unparalleled luxury and licentiousness of the time. — Mr. 
Grattan's report of Lord Chatham's Speech on Wilkes's expulsion. — 
Mr. Grattan's description of Lord Chatham's speaking — Examples of 
his style.— Original letter of George III. relative to Lord Chatham. 

At the period when Mr. Grattan was at the Tern- 

jects then discussed, were calculated to rouse the 
feelings and excite the ardour of all men, even 
the most moderate and lukewarm, in the cause of 
civil liberty. Lord Chatham and the American 

CHAP. X.] 



contest ; Mr. Wilkes and the " North Briton, " 
his libellous and blasphemous publications, the 
arbitrary and formidable doctrine of general war- 
rants ; the Middlesex election, and the assumed 
right of the House of Commons to expel and dis- 
qualify ; — these were questions well calculated to 
engross the mind of Mr. Grattan ; they formed 
tine subjects of contemplation for his ardent and 
enthusiastic character, and served to confirm in 
his mind the early attachment he had formed for 
the rights and privileges of his fellow-subjects. 
The seed of those spirit-stirring materials was 
thus early implanted in his breast, and his coun- 
try reaped, in due season, a harvest fertile and 

Lord North (the best of private men and the 
worst of public ministers), then held the reins of 
government; from 1769 to 1782 he ruled with 
fatal sway, and urged headlong, in his impetuous 
career, the fates, the fortunes, and the reputation 
of Great Britain. His conduct in the case of 
Mr. Wilkes was weak and violent, arbitrary and un- 
constitutional. Mr. Burke very properly termed 
it " a tragi-comedy, acted by his Majesty's ser- 
vants, at the desire of several persons of quality, 
for the benefit of Mr. Wilkes, and at the expense 
of the Constitution." 

Mr. Grattan addressed his friend Broome on 
the parliamentary proceedings of this period ; but 
before we refer to them more particularly, we 

p 2 



[CHAP. X. 

may describe the character of this singular indi- 
vidual, who then engrossed the public attention. 

Mr. Wilkes was possessed of a reputation abroad 
superior to his estimation at home, and of an 
estimation at home superior to his desert. Spleen 
had made him oppose, and accident had made 
him great in opposition. He had not those popu- 
lar and substantial qualities which could enable 
him to sustain the weight of the public attention. 
Successive persecution was necessary to his im- 
portance, and he was admired, not as he was 
admirable, but as he was unfortunate. He had 
little or no eloquence ; he possessed a very small 
share of literary talent; was without property, 
family, or personal worth. He was not, however, 
destitute of talents, with a good manner, exqui- 
site politeness in society, a singular presence of 
mind, courage,* a pleasing levity, and the most 

* He fought a duel in 1762 with Lord Talbot, in consequence of some 
publications in the " North Briton/' Neither party was wounded. After 
firing, Mr. Wilkes walked up to his adversary and admitted he was the 
author of the papers. Lord Talbot, however, said he was satisfied, and 
they adjourned to the Red Lion Inn at Bagshot, where the parties had 
met, and drank a bottle of claret together, with much good humour and 
much laughter. His next affair in 1763, did not end so well. Mr. 
Samuel Martin abused the author of the " North Briton;" — Mr. Wilkes 
owned himself the writer of the articles in question ; and a duel was the 
consequence. They fought in Hyde Park, andMr.Wilkes was wounded. 
He had been elected Member for Aylesbury in 1761. Gibbon in his 
Journal, 1762, thus describes him — " Col. Wilkes of the Buckingham- 
shire Militia dined at our mess. I scarcely ever met with a better com- 
panion ; he has inexhaustible spirits ; infinite wit and humour, and a 
great deal of knowledge ; but a thorough profligate in principle, as in 

CHAP. X.] 



active and earnest malignity ; he was also patient 
and cheerful in suffering ; he courted martyrdom, 
and was prepared either to caress or betray. 
There were few things he feared, and nothing he 
was ashamed of. His invincible temper made 
him wish to provoke other men, and enabled him 
to take advantage of their resentment ; and he 
returned superior at the close of a contest in 
which he had been, at the commencement, unjus- 
tifiable. He had led government at first into 
improprieties, and at last into enormities ; for he 
had tempted it, upon slight provocation, to de- 
scend to an angry and degrading contest with a 
man who had presence of mind to elude, spirit 
to expose, and fortitude to sustain, its violence. 

Wilkes's fate was singular, and the contest was 
extraordinary ; after-ages and other nations may 
wonder at the blindness of a people who sustained 
so abandoned and so troublesome a personage. 
But they will be mistaken. Wilkes was considered 
in the abstract light of an Englishman ; the people 
looked at the fact of the laws being invaded to 
oppress him ; they were too wise to dwell on the 
private qualities of a man whose personal liberty 
was assailed ; they were determined that the 
spleen of the court should not overwhelm a sub- 
practice ; his life stained with every vice, and his conversation full of 
blasphemy and indecency. These morals he glories in ; for shame is a 
weakness he has long since surmounted. He told us himself, that in this 
time of public dissension, he was resolved to make his fortune." 



[CHAP. X. 

ject; and possibly they felt some gratitude for a 
person whose fate it was to have done something, 
and to have suffered much, for his country. 

The following is the sketch of the events of 
those times, which was addressed by Mr. Grattan 
to his friend Broome, and which may not prove 
uninteresting even at this remote period. 

" During the wars of Lord Chatham, corrup- 
tion was neglected, opposition would have been 
odious, and the kingdom was hurried away in a 
career of victory, and an exertion of unanimity. 
This was not the case when the third Prince of 
the House of Hanover sat on the throne. The 
advantages at his accession were singular. As a 
Prince of Hanover, he could command the Whigs ; 
as an Englishman, he was beloved by the nation. 
There was not a rival to his throne, nor could 
there be a prejudice to his character. He stood 
in a situation where peace might have been made 
with acquisition, or war continued with victory ; 
served by ministers and commanders, as popular 
as terrible, and supported by a prodigious influ- 
ence, in an age luxurious and venal. 

" The influence of the crown had greatly in- 
creased, and continued to increase, from the 
growing debt of the nation ; it increased, likewise, 
by her victories. Like a horrible excrescence, it 
was equally fed by the vigour and by the infirmity 
of the kingdom, — those very conquests which 

CHAP. X.] 



gave the crown influence, and enervated the 
people. Mr. Pitt, Lord Granby, * Admiral 
Hawke, the servants of the king, were objects of 
implicit confidence. An opposition to the crown, 
which was supported by such men, and at the 
head of victory, must have proved frivolous, wast- 
ing, and unpopular, and must have been eternally 
brow-beaten by the Prime Minister, who was 
possessed of the hearts of the people, and of talents 
equally able to conquer, and to embellish. 

" This situation, so glorious, so easy, so power- 
ful, was not, however, cultivated. The king had 
other objects than glory, ease, or popularity. The 
female hand which had conducted him from the 
cradle to the throne, swayed the sceptre. The 
court of Prince Frederick, in the retirement of its 
disgrace, had indulged in splenetic visions of go- 
vernment ; it had contemplated with indignation 
the throne reduced to the hardship of choosing 
servants on account of their popularity (like Mr. 
Pitt,) or continuing them from their connections 
(like the Duke of Newcastle;) and victory and 
ease seemed far inferior to the solitary influence 
of the crown, however mismanaged. The Whig 
party, by which they were neglected, was to 
be dismissed ; and the aristocracy, by which 
George II. had been supported, was to be de- 

* They were in office from 1766 to 1769 — Lord Chatham, Privy Seal 
— the Marquis of Granby, Commander-in-Chief — and Sir Edward 
Hawke, First Lord of the Admiralty. 



[CHAP, X. 

stroyed — in order that, instead of influencing 
through the medium of the natural weight or po- 
pularity of its servants, the crown might pounce 
upon parliament immediately, with all the impres- 
sion of corruption. The court had favourites and 
enemies, as well as systems ; and therefore the 
Government of England was to be changed. The 
idea was, that the king, in the rotation of his 
servants, or the choice of his measures, was 
never to be opposed by conscience in his officers 
or control in his Parliament. With this prin- 
ciple, George III. acceded ; and upon this prin- 
ciple it became necessary to make a peace. 
Tranquillity abroad was indispensable, in order to 
give leisure for projects at home ; and war could 
not be continued, after the dismission of the men 
by whose abilities it had been conducted. Mr. 
Pitt suspected, discerned, felt this change in the 
climate of the court; — he regretted that his idea 
was left unaccomplished — came to the council full 
of honours * — opposed, and retired. 

" The old supporters of George II. were sent 
away from the court, and as they departed felt 
some remorse at finding that the system of influ- 
ence, which they had formed into the regularity of a 
fort, was now directed against themselves, by a 

* In 1761, Mr. Pitt retired from the office of Secretary of State to the 
Home Department; and the Duke of Newcastle remained in, as First 
Lord of the Treasury, but in the ensuing year was succeeded by the Earl 
of Bute. 



prince to whose house they had sacrificed their 
principles and exposed the constitution. 

" The love of the people, which had sought the 
throne with impetuosity, now recoiled from it; 
and a set of men, of another country, and invete- 
rate slavery, thronged about the king, and were 

" We have seen the ground on which he stood 
at his accession. This is the ground he stood on 
a little after it : — instead of his victories, his Eng- 
lish birth, his desire to give satisfaction, his amiable 
youth, — an injurious peace, a partiality to the 
Tory principles of his court, a blind simplicity, a 
dangerous insincerity ; — these were the themes on 
which the people dwelt. 

" It was at this period that a ministry was formed. 
Its birth was to have the stamp of Lord Chatham ; 
its conduct the bias of Lord Bute.* The friends 
of the former were to be gradually dismissed, or 
insensibly to degenerate from his principles; he 
was to be disgusted into retirement ; and it was 
hoped, in a refining cabinet, that this minister, 
like a two-edged sword, with one side would strike 
for the favorite who was to guide, and with the 
other side wound the reputation of him who had 
formed it. Lord Camden had the great seal, Lord 
Chatham the privy seals, and the Duke of Grafton, 
the pupil of the latter, stood foremost as first Lord 
of the Treasury. 

* 1766. 



[CHAP. X. 

" Thus stood ministry when its spirited enemy 
[Wilkes] returned. He had continued an outlaw 
in France ; digesting schemes and corresponding 
with opposition. Never forgotten, he was now 
received with ardour by his countrymen. Under 
the protection of a general election he came to 
England,* and was returned for Middlesex by a 
numerous and sanguine majority. He afterwards 
appeared in Westminster Hall ; obtained a rever- 
sal of his outlawry ; and received sentence of fine 
and imprisonment. The zeal of the populace 
(which had attended him from place to place ever 
since his return), with difficulty submitted to the 
sentence which amerced him in a fine of five 
hundred pounds for his <( North Briton," and the 
same sum for his blasphemous poem, with a year's 
imprisonment for each. On his way to his prison 
he was met by the populace, who went into his 
harness and drew him home in triumph. At night 
he stole into his confinement, where he beheld him- 
self again encompassed by multitudes, sanguine, 
curious, and turbulent. 

* Mr. Wilkes, though outlawed, had returned from abroad, and was 
constantly seen in public, even about the King's palace. He was at 
length arrested, was rescued by about twenty or thirty persons, almost 
in sight of the King's Bench, but was again taken. The question on the 
outlawry was then tried, and the court reversed it, declaring, however, 
that it was for an error so trivial that they were almost ashamed to men- 
tion it. In the first session Wilkes continued to sit without any notice 
being taken of him, and so likewise in the beginning of the subsequent 
session. It was Lord North who managed the entire of this disgraceful 

CHAP. X.] 



" The administration beheld all this with a 
stupid astonishment. Not only resentment but 
order appeared to be forgotten. They had 
seen without emotion an outlaw followed from 
place to place by an applauding multitude, can- 
vassing at large for his election, and besieging 
the king with his popularity. The multitude, tur- 
bulent no doubt, though probably inoffensive, who 
had surrounded the prison of the man who was 
the object of their solicitude, alarmed administra- 
tion into a measure always odious, generally un- 
constitutional. The nation beheld, in times of 
peace, not of rebellion, the unseemly spectacle 
of a military force marching upon the populace. 
The people were dispersed, and Government be- 
came greatly detested. 

" The unhappy circumstance of the death of 
some of the populace who happened to have been 
the most inoffensive spectators, and whose domes- 
tic circumstances made their unmerited fate very 
affecting, injured the reputation of humanity in 
the ministry, as the measure itself had injured 
their constitutional character. A letter too* which 
had been written by one of the secretaries of state 
to inspirit, not control, the natural violence of the 

* Lord Weymouth had written a letter to the magistrates of Surrey 
respecting the riots, and advising them to make an early application 
of military force in aid of the civil power. This letter Mr. Wilkes got 
possession of, and published with severe comments, and when brought 
to the bar of the House of Commons called it " a bloody scroll" and 
claimed the thanks of the country for having exposed it. 



[CHAP. X. 

military, made it seem as if bloodshed had not 
been the work of chance, but the idea of Govern- 

" A measure suggested by principles not per- 
fectly constitutional, productive of events that 
were calamitous, if not inhuman, dwelt upon the 
minds of the people. They compared the lenity 
of the Government before with its exertions now ; 
they thought that lenity was not mildness, nor 
those exertions spirit, but that both were co- 
operating arguments of their contempt of law, of 
their neglect in one instance, and violation in 
the other. 

" Parliament was now sitting, and the attention 
of the nation was turned to its conduct. Its 
measures with respect to Mr. Wilkes, — whether 
in regard to the electors of Middlesex and the 
right of the subject, they would suffer him to sit, 
or in compliance with administration drive from 
the House of Commons this popular repre- 
sentative, — employed the conjectures of every 
one. To neglect him into oblivion — to let him sit 
for Middlesex — to avoid this man — was the scheme 
of the ministry ; but if he should once more pro- 
voke the hand of power, they determined to unite 
against him the whole fabric of the constitution — 
to revive and compound all his transgression, 
and to come upon him with a hoarded resent- 

" Mr. Wilkes saw, on the other hand, the dan- 



gers of inoffensiveness ; he found succour in his 
persecution, he loved popularity, and he had 
strong resentments; and the letter which the 
secretary had written to the army gave ample 
opportunity to indulge these. He published a 
spirited animadversion, full of power and freedom. 
This was the provocation which called for ad- 
ministration. They rushed into action, and an- 
swered this challenge with zeal and blindness. 
The House of Commons was called upon, the 
House of Lords were included, and all the powers 
of the constitution invoked. 

" Lord Chatham had retired ; Lord Camden 
had no influence ; and the Duke of Grafton, who 
was the creature of Lord Chatham, and Wilkes's 
old acquaintance, now gave himself implicitly to 
the vicissitudes of politics. Mr. Wilkes was ex- 
pelled, and re-elected ; still expelled, and still re- 
elected. A tool of the court, a gentleman* by 
birth, was set up against him, who, being re- 

* Mr. Wilkes was elected on the 28th of March, 1768 ; expelled, 3rd 
February, 1769 ; re-elected, the 16th; declared incapable of sitting or 
being elected, the 17th; again elected, the 16th of March; his election 
declared void on the 17th; and on the 13th of April the sheriffs de- 
clared the poll— for Mr. Luttrell 296, for Mr. W'ilkes 1143; on the 15th 
the House pronounced its decision — that Mr. Luttrell should have been 
elected ; and on the 8th of May that he had been duly elected. 

At a subsequent period, when the Whig party came into power, in 
May 1782, these proceedings were obliterated from the records of Par- 
liament, and the resolution of disqualification was expunged from the 
journals " as being subversive of the rights of the whole body of electors 
in the kingdom." 



jected by a vast majority of electors, was by the 
House of Commons determined to be duly 

' ' The defence of this last measure was difficult. 
There were men, however, who undertook it, and 
said that the House of Commons, having a power 
to disqualify as well as to expel, did always im- 
ply, and, in the instance of Mr. Wilkes did ex- 
press disqualification, in the vote of expulsion 
— that their disqualification operated like any 
other disqualification — making the person ineli- 
gible, and of course annulling the suffrage of his 
electors, so as to leave the opposite votes with- 
out a balance. 

" Men the most moderate did not reason in the 
same manner, and when they examined these pro- 
ceedings, condemned every stage of them. They 
thought it was not the province of the House of 
Commons to punish for crimes which the known 
law punished elsewhere ; they thought it was 
not consistent with the popular nature of the 
House of Commons to pay less regard to the 
sense of the electors repeatedly expressed, 
than to the wounded dignity of a secretary 
of state ; they thought that expulsion might 
give the constituent an opportunity of amending, 
but should not overrule, the choice of the people ;* 
they thought that the right of election was in the 

* Mr. George Grenville made a celebrated speech opposing the ex- 
pulsion of Mr. Wilkes, which was however carried by 219 to 137, 3rd 
February, 1769. 



people, and could not by any law, in any instance, 
be usurped by the House of Commons in contra- 
diction to the sense of the people ; that the prin- 
ciple which gave the representative a power of 
appointing a member of Parliament in contradiction 
to the people, made that representative the con- 
stituent of Parliament not of the people. Finally, 
they thought democracy had gone out of the con- 
stitution, and that every thing was avowed prosti- 
tution, absolute influence ; or rather they thought 
that the constitution itself was dead, and that 
some method was indispensable to restore it to 
primeval efficacy. 

" Petitions were now presented from almost 
every part, and by all the most authoritative parts 
of the kingdom, — London, Middlesex, Yorkshire. 
In moderate, but earnest expressions, they dis- 
claimed the present Parliament as their repre- 
sentative ; — (a point of which they alone could 
judge,) having, in every instance, opposed their 
sense and broken their contract — as an assembly 
which had usurped their elective quality — as 
a body, deviating from its purpose, and dan- 
gerous to the rights of the subject; and they be- 
sought his Majesty to exert his constitutional 
power in its dissolution. These petitions were 
thrown by with contempt, not answered ; and the 
people were left to their anxieties about the 
notice the King should hereafter take of their 
complaint, when he met them assembled in Par- 


liament. The time was approaching. Parliament 
had been prorogued beyond the usual period, and 
after Christmas it was assembled. 

" Never did there stand a more formidable 
opposition to ministry than that which appeared 
at the opening of this Session. There was the 
Commander-in-Chief, whose popular manners, un- 
bounded generosity, courage, and late services, 
endeared him to the army as well as to the people. 
He seemed born for popularity ; his generosity 
was the most artless and good-natured quality 
imaginable ; his courage was adamant ; he was a 
strenuous Englishman, so high in rank and dis- 
interestedness, that treasure could not bribe, nor 
death move, nor the King honour him. The 
leader of the city was Alderman Beckford,* the 
first commercial character in a kingdom whose 
life was commerce ; a man of infinite wealth, of 
confirmed popularity, and an inveterate boldness, 
which was not to be deterred by danger or ridicule. 
There were also embattled on the side of oppo- 
sition, the high reputation and animated candour 
of the head of the law, Lord Camden, one whose 
eloquence, abilities, and information, made him 
the finest ornament of opposition. There was 
also Mr. Grenville's searching experience : an old 
statesman, familiar with politics, leading the ex- 

* Mr. Beckford was, in 1756, one of the members for the City of 
London, and was afterwards Alderman, Sheriff, and twice Lord Mayor. 
He died in June, 1770. 


pectation of numbers, and possessed of an ardent, 
though narrow, attachment to the constitution. 
There was a number of respectable individuals 
whose conduct had procured authority and atten- 
tion ; — Mr. Townshend's spirit ; Mr. Sawbridge's 
purity. There were beside, the Aristocratic par- 
ties : — the Marquess of Rockingham's power, 
composed of number and abilities, and deriving 
reputation from the amiable disposition of its 
leader ; Lord Shelburne's eloquent and undaunted 
phalanx, shrewd, inveterate, and indefatigable. 
On the same side there was also Lord Chatham's 
authority supported by the expressed voice of 

" Statesmen, warriors, and leaders, so beloved, so 
supported, when they came forth in such a cause, 
to oppose the Duke of Grafton's insufficiency, and 
Lord Mansfield's fears, it is strange that they 
should have proved insufficient. The reason is 
not to be found in the onset of their opposition, 
which was vigorous and judicious. The Lords in 
Opposition protested with boldness and decision, 
and claimed the support of the kingdom by 
pledging themselves to its redress. Nor is it to 
be found in the spirit of Administration : the head 
of the Ministry fled from his department, and Lord 
Mansfield refused to give his opinion. The dis- 
missal of Lord Camden from the seals,* which 

* 1769. 


succeeded his opposition, and Lord Granby, from 
the head of the army, resembled timid resentment 
in men who themselves feared to serve in Adminis- 
tration, and proved not spirit, but the source of 
vigour to opposition, for it left the army without a 
commander, and the law without a chancellor; 
and thus it reduced his Majesty to the unprincely 
appearance of being forsaken by every man of 
credit and abilities, and to the degrading necessity 
of supplicating in person the acceptance of the 
Great Seal of England, by a gentleman, who, 
ashamed of his compliance, took refuge in 

" We must look for the inefficacy of this tre- 
mendous opposition in some other causes than 
the in efficacy of its leaders, or the abilities of its 
antagonist. The provocation had been great ; but 
the injury was theory more than fact. Mr. Wilkes's 
disqualification, and the substitution of the instru- 
ment of the Ministry, was an affront to Middlesex, 
but no actual injury ; as in so corrupt a House of 
Commons, the former could not serve, and the 
latter could only wish ill to the constituents. 

" The arbitrary theory was the severity of the 
injury; and theory can never with numbers be a 
principle of continued action. There was another 
cause for the failing of the spirits of men ; it was 
that the redress was no temptation. Many 

* Mr. Charles Yorke, 1770. 

CHAP. X.] 



thought the establishment of Mr. Wilkes in his 
seat, and the securing to the constituent the irre- 
vocable right of election, might be a compliment 
to the county of Middlesex, but would leave the 
House of Commons, as before, to the servants of 
the crown. 

" The City remonstrance, justified by the pro- 
vocation the kingdom had received, but too violent 
for the genius of the times, was another cause 
which frightened the timid, and disgusted the 
moderate. The inefficacy of the exertions of 
opposition was also the source of despondency in 
the people, who always go back when they do 
not advance, and are only carried on by the suc- 
cessful impetuosity of a blind attack. A rapid 
mortality in the leaders of opposition, — Beckford, 
Lord Granby, Mr. Grenville, — which thinned, and 
the enlargement of Mr. Wilkes, which divided, 
the national party, was another cause of this 
deficiency in the spirit that stood forth against 
the mal-administration. But the great and fun- 
damental cause was the times ; the dissenting 
moderation and indolent maturity of England dis- 
appointed every effort. No scheme of real action, 
no pertinacious opposition, no reformation, could 
be adopted or enforced, in an age so luxurious, so 
venal, so unproductive. Never was there a time 
in which exalted rank was so frivolous, abandoned, 
and unprincipled. Public prostitution had fol- 
lowed the senator home, and vitiated all his do- 

Q 2 



[chap. X. 

mestic economy, — the extravagance of which 
made his situation dependent and his disposition 
venal. Every day brought forth some horrid cir- 
cumstance of grovelling viciousness in the male 
sex, and tremendous enormities in the other. The 
age rushed into an anarchy of pleasure. It was 
as if the moral sense was dead in England. There 
are, on record, instances of adulteries not con- 
cealed, but claimed by the woman, as a means of 
divorce, to make way for a continued abandoned 
connexion with her former notorious adulterer. 
There are still more horrid instances of marriages 
continued upon a league of mutual prostitution. 
There is another instance, more formidable than 
any of the foregoing ; it is incredible, astounding, 
that such persons were hardly discountenanced. * 
" The speculative beheld this period of the fate 
of England, and became melancholy, not enter- 
prising ; they saw in it a total incapacity to re- 
cover, or to maintain the rights of a free people. 
In 1741, they recollected the chaste, independent 
spirit of England, supported by all Scotland ; and, 
opposed to the unattractive nature of prerogative, 
wept over its victory. Their fondest wishes did 
not go beyond an inactive expectation of some 
strange event, which might miraculously shock 
us back to original principles ; or, if no such event 

* The chronicles of the times may be referred to for these cases ; but 
they have been superseded by modern ones — that of the Duke of York 
and Mrs. Clarke in 1809, and of George IV. and Queen Caroline in 
1821, made dreadful ravages in the morality of the age. 

CHAP. X.] 



should take place, they submitted to the fate of 
all human societies, and were prepared for the 
Euthanasia of the British constitution. 

" Assisted by experience, it is easy to prescribe ; 
and the measures which have proved ineffectual, 
may, without much ingenuity, be condemned. 
The historian, however, conforms to his character, 
when he points to the former period, and sug- 
gests the possible safety of another. Had the 
people of England, when their humble addresses 
were despised, when their authority was the 
mockery, not the respect of the king ; had they, 
instead of repeating their insulted solicitations, 
instead of assuming a new style, which alarmed 
moderation, and challenged obstinacy, appealed 
to themselves, and resolved, by the most solemn 
engagements, in the most universal compact, on a 
Triennial Law, — on a Place Bill, — on an equal re- 
presentation — to be sworn to at the next election, 
as the terms of representation ; there would have 
been a reformation acquired, and not a solitary 
question decided. 

"There had been prescience, not tumult, in 
their proceedings; the zeal of opposition had lived 
in its expectation for a reformation ; and a solitary 
question had not been the only object. The 
respect for the person of the sovereign, had been 
preserved in the eye of timid moderation ; and the 
scheme of the cabinet would, or possibly might, 
have destroyed its own influence, by driving the 
people into a measure, which, in its proposal, 



would have been intimidation, and, in its event, a 
new constitution." 

The following speech of Lord Chatham, on the 
expulsion of Mr. Wilkes from the House of Com- 
mons, was taken at the time by Mr. Grattan. 
There are several brilliant passages in it, that are 
not to be found in the report published in the Par- 
liamentary history. It was spoken on the 9th of 
January, 1770. 

"The same day on which the sovereign went to Parlia- 
ment, Lord Chatham also attended. He had been long in 
retirement, feared and neglected. Upon this important 
conjuncture, he came to the House of Lords, and delivered 
himself on the great point in question. He mentioned his 
infirmities, which disabled him from giving a constant at- 
tendance to public affairs; but the measures at present 
were too insupportable to be neglected ; and while he 
could crawl to Parliament, he should exert his feeble, 
broken, exhausted efforts, in defence of England. The 
silence of His Majesty was unaccountable and unbecoming. 
' What ! my lords ! when complaints are so universal, and, 
I fear, so well founded — when petitions are regularly pre- 
sented to the throne upon a matter of the highest consti- 
tutional nature, and every man in England is alive with 
attention — shall the father of his people pass them over 
without notice ? — as if the people were nothing in his con- 
stitution — and the petition of rights, which gave a power 
to address, did not also give an authority ! This is adding 
insult to injury — a disregard more provoking than refusal, 
and, if possible, more unconstitutional than the vote of the 
House of Commons. If the nation is injured, where now 
shall it appeal ? The mild way of proceeding by address, 



a reconcilement and a consolation formerly, is now become 
the most hopeless thing imaginable. Was it that the king, 
like a stranger in England, knew nothing of its feeling ? — 
or that, encompassed with the complaints of his people, 
they neither reached his heart, nor his attention ? Strange, 
unconstitutional insensibility ! — productive of despair, not 
loyalty ! — and when the people are obliged to despair, my 
lords, the consequences must be terrible. In this conjunc- 
ture, so critical and so alarming — so affectedly overlooked 
— something must, my lords — I hope something may 
happen, astonishing — stupendous — like a peal of thunder — 
to open the eyes of the king, if they are closed, and let in 
upon his mind the distracted and degraded state of his 
empire.' [He perceived his expressions gave offence to 
the court; its members understood that he had spoken ab- 
solutely, not conditionally.] ' I am misunderstood. I did 
not say the eyes of the king were closed. I say so now. 
I say I hope something may happen astonishing, to open 
the eyes of the king, which are now closed, and let in on 
his mind the state of his empire, to which he is at present 
a stranger. I love the king — love him as a gentleman, as 
well as a sovereign — but his name does not terrify me. I 
loved the late king also. He had many faults — he had 
lively virtues. It was possible to arrive at his heart, and 
to know whether he was your friend or your enemy. The 
idea of government in his time was noble. Europe was 
the object of its solicitude — the House of Bourbon of its 
resentment. But in the modern system of politics, Mr. 
Wilkes has engaged all the energy of government — its 
triumphs have been to defeat him! Scilicet egregiam 
laudem, fyc. tu puerque tuus. 

" This secret influence has lowered the Government of 
England, distracted her subjects, and torn down her tro- 
phies in every quarter of the globe. Can I live, my lords, 



and be insensible of this? The late war was conducted 
with glory, and should have been concluded with honour. 
I stood against the family compact, with Germany tied to 
my neck — which made some men call the coalition my 
German War. The dispositions, the councils of the enemy, 
did not escape my observation. They are inveterate and 
treacherous, and this very moment are striking a blow 
against Great Britain. And do we sit here in a state of 
compliance — waging spleen against a private gentleman 
— without a thought of the exigencies of Great Britain ? 

"The present question,- — of whose importance every 
one but the sovereign, seems sensible, — has been misera- 
bly maintained on the part of administration. The right 
of election — the invasion of that right — are so obvious 
— so self-evident — I wonder how ingenuity can be so 
vicious as to confound them. The right of election in the 
collective body of the people, is said to be a part of the 
Constitution : — it is not so—it is the Constitution. The 
vote of the House of Commons, rejecting the choice, and 
electing the refusal of the constituent, is, in the particular 
instance, usurping from the people of Middlesex the right 
of election; in principle, it is usurping that right from 
the people of England. It is not that the young gentle- 
man who sits for Middlesex has had no more than 300 
voices — it is that he sits in opposition to 1,100 — and in 
violation of the sense of that county of which he is called 
the representative. My lords, it is nonsense to call the 
House of Commons an elective body, if they may sit, not 
only without being chosen, but after having been expressly 
postponed by the constituents. Talk not of precedents. I 
have listened to a miserable series — I disregard them all 
— they are so many patleraras fired against the adaman- 
tine wall of the Constitution. I shall not follow the lawyer 
into the dusty scraps of antiquity, which are so curiously 



produced to instance the late conduct of the Commons. I 
boast a sovereign contempt for them. I have, 'tis true, read 
the Petition of Rights. They all inform me that the right 
of election, is exclusively in the people. Their characters, 
in my mind, are immortal — the cobweb of the lawyer shall 
not defile them. To search in all the flaws of antiquity 
with a curious mischief — to run into every offensive cre- 
vice, and to wind, and meander, and spin some silky line, 
entangling our plain sense, and defacing those clearly- 
delineated ideas, which should be fixed in every man's 
mind, and should direct his conduct — without which we 
can neither obey, nor oppose with propriety — 'tis insup- 
portable, — the English will never suffer it. I spoke of pre- 
cedents. My lords, I ailirm there are no precedents — Sir 
Robert Walpole was twice expelled ; and Mr. Taylor, his 
antagonist, was declared not duly elected. Mr. Wollaston 
was also expelled and re-elected. He took his seat accord- 
ingly. Where is the common law that gives the House this 
power ? Where is the statute law ? — they have neither. — 
Where the precedent there is no such thing. And how 
have they presumed, — without constitution, without com- 
mon law, or statute law — or even the unworthy pretence 
of precedent, — to rob England, or even the devoted people 
of Middlesex, of their right of election I I did not dwell 
upon precedent because I should submit to such autho- 
rity ; but in justice to the worst of our ancestors, who, in 
their fears, their distractions, their venality, were not so 
flagrantly unconstitutional as the present assembly — this 
House of Commons — never opposing the worst measure — 
ever supporting, ever applauding the basest Administra- 
tion — never enquiring into an article of expence — dealing 
out the public money, as if it were French treasure ! They 
have invaded our Constitution ; and like the vision's M base- 
less fabric," will not leave a wreck of it surviving. Let 
them be dissolved ! — let the principle of the Middlesex 


mr. grattan's remarks [chap. X. 

election be expunged, absolutely—entirely — for ever ! — 
let there be a new election ! The petitions of the people 
must be complied with. Ennoble the sentiments of Go- 
vernment — their feelings must be changed — their resent- 
ments forgotten. I love peace ; but if our honour is to be 
the expence of our tranquillity, let discord reign. It is a 
false moderation, that does not wish to fortify the spirit 
of opposition. Had there been more Earls of Bedford, 
more Earls of Manchester, in the famous contest of — 41 
the motley race had been suppressed, and the Constitution 
victorious. Wisdom is decisive — a seasonable decision 
quells a contest — like the discharge of cannon in a tempest, 
it commands tranquillity." 

" Nota. — The House of Lords heard this, but 
voted with the Ministry. They refused to take 
any part in the proceedings of the Commons, and 
resolved that one House could not regularly inter- 
fere with the votes or resolutions of the other 
House, where it is competent." 

The following remarks by Mr. Grattan upon 
this great and distinguished man, though written 
long subsequent to this period, will not be inap- 
propriately introduced here, and will give some 
further idea of this celebrated individual. 

^fr *jf t|c 

" He was a man of great genius — great flight of 
mind. His imagination was astonishing. I heard 
him several times when I was at the temple — on 
the American war, on the King's speech in 1770, 
and on the privilege of Parliament. He was very 



great, and very odd. He spoke in a style of con- 
versation, not however what I expected ; it was 
not a speech, for he never came with a prepared 
harangue; his style was not regular oratory, like 
Cicero, or Demosthenes, but it was very fine, and 
very elevated, and above the ordinary subjects 
of discourse. He took a nobler line, and dis- 
daining the low affairs of debate, his conversations 
were about kings and queens and empires. He 
appeared more like a grave character advising, 
than mixing in the debate. It was something 
superior to that — it teas teaching the Lords and 
lecturing the King. He appeared the next greatest 
thing to the King, though infinitely superior. Lord 
Mansfield perhaps would have argued the question 
better ; Charles Townshend would have made a 
better speech ; but there was [in Lord Chatham] 
grandeur, and a manner which neither had, and 
which was peculiar to him. What Cicero says 
in his ' Claris Oratoribus,'' exactly applies, — 
' Formce dignitas, corporis motus plenus et artis 
et venustatis, vocis et suavitas et magnitudo! His 
gesture was always graceful. He was an incom- 
parable actor. Had it not have been so, he would 
have appeared ridiculous. His address to the Ta- 
pestry, and to Lord Effingham's memory, required 
a fine actor and he was that actor. His tones were 
remarkably pleasing. I recollect his pronouncing 
one word, " effete" in a soft charming accent. 
His son could not have pronounced it better. He 

236 mr. grattan's remarks on [chap. X. 

was often called to order. On one occasion he had 
said, ' I hope some dreadful calamity will befall 
the country that will open the eyes of the King,' 
and then he introduced the allusion to the figure 
drawing the curtains of Priam, and gave the quo- 
tation. He was called to order. He stopped, 
and said, ' what I have spoken I have spoken con- 
ditionally, but now I retract the condition, I speak 
it absolutely, and I do hope that some signal 
calamity will befall the country ;' and he repeated 
what he had said. He then fired, and oratorised, 
and grew extremely eloquent. Ministers, seeing 
what a difficult character they had to deal with, 
thought it best to let him proceed. 

" On one occasion, addressing Lord Mansfield, 
he said, f Who are the evil advisers of his Majesty ? 
I would say to them, Is it you ?— Is it you? — Is 
it you V— (pointing to the ministers until he came 
near Lord Mansfield). There were several lords 
round him, and Lord Chatham said, ' My Lords, 
please to take your seats.' When they had sat 
down, he pointed to Lord Mansfield, and said, ' Is 
it you ? Methinks Felix trembles /' 

" It required a great actor to do this; done by 
any one else, it would have been miserable. 

" In his speech on the Stamp Act, being 
abandoned by his friends, he said, ' My Lords, I 
rise like our primeval ancestor — naked, but not 
ashamed.' On another occasion—' The first shot 
that is fired in America separates the two countries.' 

CHAP. X.] 



" When it was proposed to call in the aid of the 
wild Indians, Lord Chatham made an appeal to the 
bishops, and the judges, and to the House. The 
appeal was not Parliamentary, and it required a 
good actor, and the effect was great. ' You talk 
of driving the Americans : I might as well talk of 
driving them before me with this crutch/ 

" On another occasion he said, 1 It is not for us 
to inquire whence the wind bloweth, but where it 
tendeth. If its gales are for the public advantage, 
although they come from the quarter of the noble 
lord, my bark is ready.' 

n When he came to the argumentative part of 
his speech, he lowered his tone so as to be scarcely 
audible, and he did not lay so much stress on those 
parts, as on the great bursts of genius and the 
sublime passages. He had studied action, and 
his gesture was graceful, and had a most powerful 
effect. His speeches required good acting and he 
gave it them. The impression was great. His man- 
ner was dramatic. In this it was said that he was 
too much the mountebank ; but if so, it was a great 
mountebank. Perhaps he was not so good a de- 
bater as his son, but he was a much better orator, 
a better scholar, and a far greater mind. Great 
subjects, great empires, great characters, effulgent 
ideas, and classical illustrations, formed the mate- 
rials of his speeches. 

" If he had come into power in 1777, I think 
he could have kept America. His idea was that 



[CHAP. X. 

it could be preserved. To him it was possible — 
to Lord North it certainly was not." 

The following letter will show how easily a 
king and a commoner can differ about the same 
person. Lord North had proposed to put Mr. 
William Pitt's name in Lord Chatham's pension, 
and wrote to the King for that purpose — to that 
King whom Lord Bute (who was his governor) 
calls in his letter to Lord Chatham " the amiable 
young prince.™ The reply of this amiable person- 
age was as follows. This cruel and cold-hearted 
production was deeply expiated by the loss of that 
portion of the empire which this " trumpeter of 
sedition," would have preserved for his royal 

"The making Lord Chatham's family suffer for 
the conduct of their father, is not in the least 
agreeable to my sentiments. But I should choose 
to know him to be totally unable to appear on the 
public stage, before I agree to any offer of that 
kind, lest it should be wrongly construed a fear of 
him ; and indeed his political conduct last winter 
was so abandoned, that he must, in the eyes of the 
dispassionate, have totally undone all the merit 
of his former conduct. 

'* As to any gratitude to be expected from him 
or his family, the whole tenor of their lives shows 
them to be devoid of that most honourable sentiment. 



But when decrepitude or death puts an end 


no difficulty in placing the second son's name 
instead of the father's, and making up the pension 
three thousand pounds." 

Such was the letter of George III. — it is not to 
be found in Lord Chatham's works ; but its au- 
thenticity is undoubted. It's mingled shallowness 
and malignity are more characteristic of the writer, 
than any thing else extant. The greatest orator 
and patriot of his age, " a trumpeter of sedition !" 
No gratitude to be expected from the family of 
that man, whose son (only second to himself in 
talent) sacrificed his life, and more than his life, 
his political honour, to the personal and petty 
prejudices of his father's royal calumniator! Such 
is the discrimination — such the gratitude of kings ! 



Correspondence resumed. — Juvenile Essay on Patriotism, by Mr. 
Grattan — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — The same to the same.— 
Mr. Grattan visits France. — Resides at Paris. — Acquaintance with a 
French nobleman. — Letter to him from Mr. Grattan, in French. — 
Mr. Broome to Mr. Grattan. — Mr. Grattan called to the Irish bar, 
1772. — Loses his first cause, and returns half the fee. — His associates 
at this period, — Mr. Gore, Lord Annaly, Mr. Hussey Burgh, Mr. 
Denis Daly, Mr. Yelverton, Mr. Doyle, Mr. Bushe, Mr. Langrishe, 
Mr. Forbes, Mr. Day.— Political meetings among these friends. — 
They form a political club. — Lord Charlemont. — His literary tastes. — 
Mr. Daly. — Judge Kelly. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Day. — The same to 
the same. — Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — The same to the same. — 
Mr. Grattan to Mr. Day.— Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. 

We now return to the correspondence. The essay 
alluded to in the following letter, was a dissertation 
on Patriotism, striving to show its inefficacy and 
inutility. The idea, perhaps, may have been sug- 
gested by the unsuccessful attempts of Swift and 
Molyneux, in the cause of Ireland, and by the 
unfavourable aspect of politics in England, which 
did not hold forth any prospects of amelioration to 
the affairs of either country. The apprehension 
Mr. Grattan here displayed, lest he should be 



supposed to have reasoned seriously against 
Patriotism, is somewhat amusing, and he describes 
it as the "spirit of profaneness, written against the 
sense of the heart." His subsequent life was un 
questionably an ample refutation of his juvenile 
essay, which was an ingenious, clever, and argu- 
mentative composition. He wrote to Broome, 
begging him not to show it, lest it should " make 
the worse appear the better reason." 


Temple, April!, 1771. 

Dear Broome, 
An apology for a conduct that does not admit of apology 
would be adding to the guilt of delay. The papers you 
mention I have not in London. In a few days I shall 
send them from the country. They are scarcely worth 
your reading, grounded upon false principles, and written 
against the sense of the heart. They were begun in a 
spirit of profaneness, and continued in the vanity of 

Patriotism is not the extravagant quality of the present 
age; it was unnecessary to guard against, and ungenerous 
to revile, a false virtue. Reflections on Patriotism may 
be an apology, but need not be an admonition for these 
days. Reading the essay, you may say with Milton, you 
are "fallen on evil days and evil tongues." Public pros- 
titution, like the personal deformity of exalted rank, 
becomes fashion, is justified and emulated. 

The state of the British Empire is not an exception to 
this observation. The crown, purchasing the controul of 
Parliament, and despising the awe of the people, is abso- 



lute; it breaks through the obstacles of rotten policy, 
and galls the subject like a yoke ; the forms of the con- 
stitution, like the corruption of the best, things, are our 
bitterest enemy ; they sanctify oppression, and bear off the 
brunt of popular indignation. The army too, that might 
not advance against the bulwarks of the constitution, are 
not disposed to refine its theory. The consecrated build- 
ing they might respect, but would not spare visionary 
freedom in the spirit of the people ; even a small military 
force may overwhelm (their appearance will always damp) 
a people who have no discipline, and with whom liberty, 
the deity of their ancestors, is become a question in 
politics. The spirit of London is a virtue, alarming to the 
indolent maturity of these times ; luxury cries, " Let us 
have peace ; slavery is offensive, but repose is better than 
freedom." An unhappy situation, where the authority of 
the senate, and the strength of the army, are opposed to 
an undisciplined, a divided, and a luxurious nation. 

I will mention facts. The House of Commons have of 
late agreed with the Court to exclude the constituents 
from the representatives.^ The smallness of the House 
of Commons was the excuse ; but as for several centuries, 
their ancestors, sitting in the same house, had not made 
the same discovery, the size of the room seemed not to 
be the reason, but rather a consciousness of treachery, and 
a modest desire to screen from public censure public 
villainy. The indefatigable liberty of the press dis- 
appointed this scheme of secrecy, and industriously re- 
vealed the foul mystery of Parliament; it became necessary 
to confine the liberty of the press, or the exclusion of the 
people from their trustees was of no service. Privilege of 

* In December, 1770, the Lords excluded all strangers, and the House 
of Commons followed their bad example. 


parliament (a monster whose nature is unknown, whose 
power is undefined, who alarms, and overbears, and per- 
plexes mankind) was let out therefore, and resisted by the 
City. The motive of the City was constitutional, for it 
opposed corruption in the person of privilege. The legality 
of the City seems undeniable, for it conformed to the 
charter of London, as original as Magna Charta, sworn to 
by its magistrates, and forbidding such commitments as 
the House of Commons attempted, for not breaking the 
charter of the City, for not violating the obligation of an 
oath, or rather, for being disabled to assist the House of 
Commons in wounding the liberty of the press.* The 
Lord Mayor, and one of the representatives, were sent to 
the Tower, in contempt of cause, station, and infirmities. 
The hardship, the injustice, the unconstitutionality of this 
step, are the more alarming, because while they show 
there is nothing which Parliament will not do, they prove 
that there are few things which Parliament is afraid to do; 
that there is as little awe as controul in the policy of these 
times, the disgraceful history of the present parliament 

* On the 14th of March, John Miller was taken into custody, by order 
of the House of Commons, for a breach of privilege, in printing their 
proceedings. The party was brought before the Lord Mayor (Brass 
Crosby) and Aldermen Oliver and Wilkes. The messenger of the House 
of Commons was bound over to take his trial for the arrest, and Miller 
was discharged out of custody. This was voted by the House to be a 
gross breach of its privileges; the Lord Mayor and Alderman Oliver 
were ordered to attend at the bar ; and, after many long and warm 
debates, they were sent to the Tower. Mr. Wilkes, who was one of the 
justices, was also ordered to attend at the bar, but he wrote a letter 
to the House, claiming his privilege as a member. This letter was not 
allowed to be read. Wilkes persisted in disregarding the orders of the 
House, who, to get rid of the difficulty, adopted a wretched expedient; 
they directed him to attend on the 8th of April, and then adjourned 
to the 9th, thus passing over the day for which he was summoned. 

R 2 



will display ; one man imposed against the sense of the 
constituent, and two men imprisoned for acting according 
to it, for revering their oath, and venerating their charter. 

I should mention two other proceedings in the House 
of Commons, which the historian will take notice of, 
though the king does not : a bond, in which the printer 
stood engaged to prosecute his arrester, in contempt of 
the charter of the City, was, by a vote of the House of 
Commons, erased, and all legal proceedings prohibited. 
By this act, the House, one estate, assume an absolute 
discretion over civil contracts, and legal proceedings ; in 
the other act, they have called on proclamation to enforce 
privilege; proclamation, which is expressly disabled to 
supersede the law, is now invited by the Commons to dis- 
pense with the Magna Charta of the City ; it is not called 
upon to enforce the common law, to punish the breach of 
the statute law ; it is taken from its old restrictions, and 
placed in an indefinite latitude, by being made commen- 
surate with the indefinite privileges of Parliament ; one 
part of the legislature assumes a dispensing power, and 
communicates that power to the crown. In vain does 
eloquence advance fidelity, character, pride, law, and con- 
stitution ; to dissuade the venal senate, in vain would an 
angel address himself to corruption ; he would resemble a 
man parleying with a deluge that was carrying him away. 
The outrageous insensibility of the torrent, does not hear 
him. " You are a prostitute set of men. Your present 
proceeding, of your many infamous measures is the most 
infamous" — were the expressions of Colonel Barre. # The 

* Isaac Bane was born of humble parents, in Dublin, in 1726. He 
entered the army early, and rose to the rank of colonel; in 1761, was 
brought into Parliament by Lord Shelburne. He opposed Government, 
and lost in consequence the situations he held as Adjutant-General and 



Senate heard him and was confounded. " You punish the 
mayor and aldermen to maintain your dignity," said 
others ; " we declare, that on the first opportunity we 
shall imitate their conduct, notwithstanding that dignity ; 
turn your eyes from the present objects of your persecu- 
tion ; turn to the cause of all our grievances; turn to her 
Royal Highness, the Princess Dowager of Wales."* 

A natural consequence — the men who sell and stretch 
their privileges must forget their authority ; a people taxed 
in order to be prostituted, the spirit without an effort, the 
constitution deprived of all its operations, England is like 
the picture you have seen of autumn, a sultry figure dis- 
abled by surfeit. 

Foresight desponds in its conjecture about the event of 
affairs. The odious prerogative of 1641, without a standing- 
army, opposed to Parliament and the frugality of England, 
was with difficulty defeated by the interposition of Scot- 
land ; but if corruption should go to war, with its thousand 
allurements, authorised by Parliament, strengthened by 
an army, without much to fear from Scotland, and opposed 
to the luxury of England, what have we to hope ? rather 
what have we not to fear ? 

You insist on a dedication.f You have it — a corrective 

Governor of Stirling Castle, and was also dismissed from the service. 
He was, however, compensated by the Administration of the Marquess 
of Rockingham, with a pension of 2300/. a-year. He was then ap- 
pointed to the Clerkship of the Pells, having relinquished the pension. 
He lived to the age of 76, and died in 1802. 

* Several of the members of the Opposition, disgusted with the 
proceedings of Government, and indignant at the abject submission of 
their followers, rose and left the House. Colonel Barre denounced the 
conduct of Lord North in unsparing terms: — "That the conscience of 
the ministers was seared with guilt, and their turpitude unexampled." 

f This was his dedication to " Barataria," prefixed to the letters against 
Lord Townshend. 


is the only dedication for such an essay as I will send ; our 
sentiments are the same on public as well as other matters 
— very different from those of the times ; they are better ; 
they are the sentiments of other days. When we meet this 
summer, we shall communicate more freely. I shall have 
a house near the sea, where you must come and live with 

Yours most ardently, 

Henry Grattan. 

mr. grattan to mr. broome. 

Milbroohe, near Southampton, 
August 7, 1771. 

My dear Broome, 
I have no apology for delay ; it was not forgetfulness, it 
was not disloyalty to friendship. 

I am now becoming a lawyer, fond of cases, frivolous, 
and illiberal ; instead of Pope and Milton's numbers, I re- 
peat in solitude Coke's distinctions, the nature of fee-tail, 
and the various constructions of perplexing statutes. 

This duty has been taken up too late ; not time enough 
to make me a lawyer, but sufficiently early to make me a 
dunce. I am now in the country, on the sea, and not far 
from a beautiful neighbourhood. I lodge in the house of 
an old seaman, whose means are comfortable, and whose 
wife, therefore, has all the arrogance of a gentlewoman, 
and all the coarse vulgarity of a dame. Her conversation, 
her temper, and her character are curious, as they are trou- 
blesome ; her rising is denoted by noise and violence, 
maids and husband, children and grandchildren, she abuses, 
reproaches, tramples on ; while she indulges in long anec- 
dotes of her importance, and her discretion, with all the 




volubility of a rhetorician and all the composure of an his- 
torian ; she reads law, studies physic, and hunts after 
scandal, and explains the gospel, with the most uncommon 
industry ; a deep divine, a knotty lawyer, a fortunate doc- 
tress, and an infinite narratress, her life is a frenzy of law, 
medicine, and religion. 

The death of the poet of this age, and the rival of the 
first muse in any other, Gray, you lament as much as I do. 
His works lie on the table, I weep over and revere them. 
We naturally wonder at the idle insensibility of Providence 
that destroys a genius who has done her so much honour. 
It is a childish and a wicked reflection that cannot be im- 
mediately restrained. 

Your life, like mine, is devoted to professions which we 
both detest ; the vulgar honours of the law are as terrible 
to me as the restless uniformity of the military is to you. 
Our different studies will never divide us, our antipathy 
to these studies will be a bond of union. 

I shall see you next November, or Christmas, to live 
and die with you. It is painful to renounce England, and 
my departure is to me the loss of youth. I submit to it on 
the same principle, and am resigned. 

Yours most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

In September 1771, Mr. Grattan went to 
France, in company with his friend Mr. afterwards 
Sir John Tydd. He remained some time in Paris, 
but was attracted by the rural scenery of the 
country, and visited Vernon and the banks of the 
Loire. He there formed an acquaintance with 
one of the old French nobility of the vieux regime, 



from whom he experienced those marks of atten- 
tion and that courtesy for which the French are so 
remarkable. The following letter shows that the 
acquaintance was not forgotten. Though in 
French, the idiom of the letter is quite English, 
and the style peculiarly his own. It does not in- 
dicate any great facility in the French tongue at 
this period. Mr. Grattan laid aside the cultiva- 
tion of the language for a considerable time, but 
in the latter part of his life he amused himself 
^translating into French Miss Edgeworth's Tales 
and other light works. He admired Racine and 
Corneille, and used to read them with much 




En fin j'ai l'honneur de vous addresser. J'ai voyage" de 
Vernon a Paris — de Paris a Londres — de Londres en 
Irlande ; — beaucoup de travail, beaucoup d'ennui. Je 
trouve Paris poli, agreable, gracieux ; — Londres plus 
magnifique, plus bizarre, plus amusant. Mais mon etoile 
me poursuit, me dechire, de Londres, et voila, je suis en 
Irlande. Je dis-cher Londres quand vous reverrai-je ? 
Du plaisir e'en est fait quand de vous j'ai parti. La 
jeunesse est passe, et une vieillesse premature me ren- 
contre en Irlande. 

Monsieur, j'etois tres fache que vous n'etes pas avancee ; 
mais vous ne devez pas etre surpris ; le merite n'est pas le 
sujet de la recompense ; e'est beau d'avoir travaille, etudie, 

chap, xi.] mr. broome's letter. 


d'etre savant, d'etre eclaire. La Fortune est aveugle. 
J'espere cependent que votre sante est retabli — je suis ravi 
que La Mort est aveugle aussi bien que La Fortune. 

J'ai peur que vous ne comprendrai pas cette epitre, il y 
a beaucoup de temps que j'ai parle Francois, et apres que 
j'ai qnitte Vernon, j'ai parle Anglois la plupart. Mais 
Monsieur, je me resouviendrai de vous apres meme avoir 
oublie votre langue. 

J'ai Thonueur d'etre, &c. 

Henry Grattan. 

mr. broome to mr. grattan. 

October 21, 1771. 

My best friend, 
Your letter came to me this day, after long expectation. 
On many accounts I am glad you went to France ; you 
may not have another opportunity to visit a kingdom, 
which theory at a distance tells us is monarchical, but 
whose reality will satisfy you, like most modern states, 
that it exists in abuse, aud is an absolute despotism. I am 
unacquainted with what part of the world you are in, 
though my mind retains an idea of the country. More to 
the south is less like England, and more like France. The 
grape at this season informs a stranger of the sun's bounty, 
and he feels less the rigour of the approaching winter. 
You are conscious what every son of freedom is who has 
long resided in England, — that he can meet no government 
so well adapted to the dignity of human nature, but indeed 
in every other, its violation. Even among the Swiss, 



you will discover less political and less civil freedom. The 
forms of Government are so foreign in fact to their institu- 
tions, that until you visit the territory you cannot judge of 
the constitution. You find the French abounding in their 
only abundance, empty form. They have all the attention 
of slaves, and all the condescension of dignity. 

I own, except in particular parts, I never discovered 
such rural beauty on the face of the country as you do, 
though passages have been delightful. The rivers often 
abound in excellent scenes, but not the Seine. The Loire, 
the Soane, are the boast of such Frenchmen as feel the 
beauties of nature ; but those are few. They are agreeable 
people to reside among. They are assiduous, proud, mean 
followers of external fashion ; and though they are not 
deliberately treacherous, they are perfectly insincere. Pro- 
fusive and extravagant, credulous in appearance, doubtful 
in their heart, their conversation is a jargon between sense 
and nonsense, whilst whim constitutes the direct tendency 
of all their pleasures. At the distance I am from any 
thing which can excite the slightest interesting feeling for 
this wretched country, you can expect but a very imper- 
fect account. Lord Townshend has opened his session, 
and has convinced Ireland that force and fraud in con- 
junction, will accomplish in a short time what able states- 
men, with only indirect intention, could not complete in 
many years. So total an overthrow has freedom received, 
that its voice is heard only in the accents of despair. Flood 
was incomparable on the address of thanks, and has gained 
an accession even to his former reputation. 

In your letter from Vernon, I do not find an acknow- 
ledgment of one I wrote you from Ballyshannon. Probably 
before now, it has overtaken you. 

I hope you have kept the remonstrances of the Parlia- 


ment of France. We may yet find pleasure in reading 
them together. 

Write to me whenever this meets you. 

Your ever affectionate 

W. Broome. 

In Hilary Term, 1772, Mr. Grattan was called 
to the Irish bar. Though his taste did not incline 
him to follow the legal profession, yet he was com- 
pelled to do so ; and as he says in one of his letters, 
" he began seriously to apply himself to the study 
of the law;" lie went through the ordinary drud- 
gery of analysing the musty reporters, and making 
extracts and abstracts from law-writers, and col- 
lecting the decisions of the judges as reported in 
various cases. He also went the circuit, and was 
specially retained in the case of Dutton and Nap- 
per, in the county of Meath, where it was sought 
to establish the illegitimacy of Mr. Napper. The 
will, however, was declared to be good, and Mr. 
Grattan did not succeed in the case ; and such 
was his feeling on the occasion, that he returned 
to his client half the amount of the fee — fifty 
guineas. This conscientious, though whimsical 
precedent, is one not likely to be followed by the 

The individuals with whom Mr. Grattan chiefly 
associated at this time, were Mr. Gore, Lord 
Annaly (Chief Justice), Mr. Hussey Burgh, Mr. 
Denis Daly, Mr. Yelverton, Mr. Doyle, Mr. 



Bushe, Mr. Langrishe, Mr. Forbes, and Mr. Day. 
The last-named gentleman was his most intimate 
and attached friend, with whom, to the last mo- 
ment, the closest and most friendly intercourse 
and sincerest affection subsisted. 

But politics was his chief attraction even at this 
period, and many of the above-named individuals 
used to meet at each other's houses and discuss 
together every question which was brought for- 
ward in Parliament ; a plan that was of infinite 
service to them, and of great utility to the popu- 
lar cause. They also formed a club, which was 
called the " Society of Granby Row," where Lord 
Charlemont and the party assembled, not merely 
for convivial, but for political purposes. 

It was Lord Charlemont who gave the tone to 
society at this time ; and the taste for literature 
and polite arts which he introduced, quickly ex- 
tended among a people of wit, humour, gallantry, 
and spirit. His house was the great centre of 
attraction. Others too contributed to the charms of 
these meetings, and 1 have heard Mr. Grattan 
say that some of the pleasantest days he ever 
passed were among these persons. " At Mr. 
Daly's," he said, " we dined among his books, as 
well as at his table — they were on it, they were 
lying around it — they were always in his mind, — 
which was as well stored with literature as the 
shelves of his library." 

Another of Mr. Grattan's intimate acquaintance 




at this time was Mr. Kelly, afterwards judge ; a 
man who possessed what very few judges in Ire- 
land (that I have ever seen) possessed, namely, a 
love for his country and his countrymen. He was 
an early acquaintance, and to his death an ardent 
admirer, of Mr. Grattan. On one occasion, when 
he was in Parliament, he was asked by Govern- 
ment to oppose some question that was unfavour- 
able to the liberties of the people; but he refused 
to do so ; and though he could not avoid support- 
ing the Government, nothing could induce him 
even to move the previous question. He always 
had an eye to the people and their liberties. 
Even in the disturbed times of 1798, he used to 
ride circuit without any apprehension of danger. 
On one occasion, as he was hunting in a part of 
the county of Kildare, he was stopped by some of 
the country people, who, on discovering his name, 
said, " Let the judge proceed, it is only ould 
Kelly." Of how few judges can this be said! 
How few have deserved the love of their country- 
men ! 

On Mr. Grattan's retiring from the Temple, to 
be called to the bar, he wrote to his friend Day 
as follows : — 


January 9, 1772. 

Dear Day, 

I am bound at Holyhead. The winds are obstinate, and 
may keep me here some day?. The journey to Chester 



was solitary; that through Wales in company with one 
gentleman. Tell Tydd that, for two guineas, every other 
day, he may have a place in an excellent post-coach, that 
will bring him to the Head in two days. The season did 
not prevent Wales from enchanting me. The storm con- 
tributed to its beauty, and made boldness more bold. I 
am fatigued with idleness, and wish for the happy moment 
when the winds will enable me to return to the land of 
saints. Remember me to Lovett, Tydd, and Hackett. I 
will do any business for any of you in Dublin, if any of 
you will trust my indolence. I will write to you when I 
go to Dublin. 

Yours affectionately, 
Henry Grattan. 

mr. grattan to mr. day. 

January 13, 1772. 

My dear Day, 

The recess of Parliament, and the moping genius of Dub- 
lin, would have made a correspondence hitherto insipid to 
you. My letter must be confined to myself and my feel- 
ings. At present I am not reconciled to either. A vio- 
lent change of situation creates disgust and despondency. 
When the tranquil satisfaction of seeing, is at an end, 
the mind naturally looks out for objects — but what objects ? 
— embarrassed accounts ; tenants in arrear ; agents, whose 
memory one reveres, but whose calculations it is difficult 
to understand, and ungrateful to dispute. You know so 
well the ardent inefficacy of my character, as to judge how 
much I feel, and how little I can discharge this teazing 
business. I look to the world for gratification ; but here I 
can find no world — the Houses full of bucks, but unencum- 
bered with actors. Sheridan sits once more on his vulgar 




throne; and Miss Ashmore's harmony and beauty enchant 
all the ears, and fire all the hearts, of this ancient country 
— in short, no plays — no opera — no beauty ! 

The spirit of party becomes tiresome ; for the subjects 
are worn out — the new excise — the board of accounts — 
Lord Townshend's caprice, and the law of Poynings. I 
shall, however, at the meeting* of Parliament, give you a 
full account ; and if Lord Shannon does not desert, (which 
is suspected,) the Opposition will probably be victorious. 
Answer this letter as soon as is convenient to you, and 
give me an account of your suit, and of my books. Re- 
member me to Tydd, and all our friends, Hackett and 
Lovett — that loiterer who stays in England without any 
business — Maryborough, I mean. Desire him to come to 
me as soon as he arrives, and tell him I live in Granby 

Yours most sincerely, 
Henry Grattan. 

mr. grattan to mr. broome. 

Dublin, January , 1772. 

My dear Broome, 

I received your letter in England ; and since the recep- 
tion, have not been settled till now. I have arrived to a 
time when it is necessary to decide, and I am incapable of 
decision ; what I shall do, where I shall go, are questions 
I can no otherwise answer, than by saying I shall live 
much with you ; I am glad you got the adjutancy, and 
wish I had been more serviceable. The fifty pounds, if I 
have an overplus after paying Latouche, I can get with- 
out difficulty ; if not, I will try my credit. 

I am as yet at a loss whether to take a house, or keep a 
lodging by the year ; or without such an incumbrance, 



retire in the summer to my seat in the country. You know 
the effect of deliberation — after being tormented, I do the 
very thing I condemn. I shall not tell you what effect 
Dublin had upon my mind, whether it appeared more 
magnificent or more enlivened than London — with what 
coyness I behold all its allurements, and how I feel a con- 
tagious laziness growing upon me. 

Parliament is not sitting. Flood's fame is not silent, 
though he is not speaking. His reputation for wisdom is 
equal to his reputation for eloquence. I always thought 
his taste not superior, if it is equal to his deep understand- 
ing. He does honour, and I hope he will do service, to 
his country. Bushe^ though a courtier, has principle; a 
placeman, # he has opposed Government. Hussey certainly 
has fine talents; when I heard him, they were juvenile — 
but, even then, he promised to his party an ornament and 
an advocate. 

You see the Opposition has acted with spirit ; we have 
gained in point of constitution, though we have lost our 
money in the contest. If it were possible to fix in the 
minds of our countrymen some precise principles of consti- 
tution, Government would be more reluctant to invade 
us ; certainly the alteration of a Money Bill, at a time so 
critical, was a rash and audacious measure. 

The Ministry have as little regard for Lord Townshend, 
as for his Majesty's kingdoms. I have not as yet seen 
your father, because I am afraid of meeting your mother. 
Come to Dublin if you can, that I may at once enter into 
conversations, interesting and unreserved — where one feels 
as well as speaks, and the mind expands into mutual con- 
fidence. It is seldom that men at our time of life have a 
sanguine love for each other ; they are sociable, not 

* He had accepted the office of Commissioner of Revenue. 



friendly; we are not sociable, therefore friendly : a coyness 
to the world is a duty we owe each other. The host who 
entertains all mankind, is not loved ; his table is a mob, 
and we shun his hospitality. Thus Bovd lost his c.edit in 
our system, before he entered into the world ; but you and 
I were steady misanthropes. 

Yours most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 


Granby Row, February 24, 1772. 
The business of Parliament, the idleness of the courts, and 
the dull star of Dublin, have employed and disabled me. 
I wish for retirement, but find the city, that gives no plea- 
sure, can give no rest ; my resolution cannot sustain me ; 
Dublin has cultivated all the infirmities of mind, and ma- 
tured them to a painful perfection. What can a mind do 
without the exercise of business, or the relaxation of plea- 
sure ? — My constitution must at last partake of my agita- 
tions, and already I am told my appearance is pining. 

Politics give me some relief ; but you see how little has 
been done, and how our country disgraces itself by feeble 
attempts at resentment. The measure was pernicious, the 
manner was insolent.* What has been done ? We have 
declared that we are affronted. We have declared that 
we will not join with Government to insult Parliament ; 
but we have not expelled, committed, suspended, attacked 
the advisers of the measure, nor drawn one inference from 
premises, on whose groundwork men of spirit must advance. 
The different views of the men who oppose the corruption 
of the age, and the sordid spirit of the country we live in, 

* The King had disregarded the resolution of the House of Com- 
mons, and had created the additional Commissioners. 



disappoint its sanguine advocates, and make their zeal 
useless and impotent. 

I have attended to the debates — they were insipid — 
every one was speaking ; nobody was eloquent. Flood 
himself (such was the spirit of the House,) was obliged to 
be rather notable, than eloquent. The opposition of the 
winter may have shown that our Parliament is not totally 
prostitute ; but it has also shewn that the integrity of Par- 
liament can do no service : and the Government of Lord 
Townshend will be an immortal proof that the worst mea- 
sures may succeed, notwithstanding the opposition of the 
Irish Parliament. 

I am now called to the bar, without knowledge or ambi- 
tion in my profession. The Four Courts are of all places 
the most disagreeable ; the lawyers in general are an 
ardent, rather than an eloquent society. 

My purpose is undetermined— my passion is retreat. I 
am resolved to gratify it at any expense. There is cer- 
tainly repose, and may be an elegance, in insignificance. 

It is, however, the peculiar misfortune of a country 
which, though my native one, I must call too hospi- 
table, that wherever you fly — wherever you secrete your- 
self—the sociable disposition of the Irish will follow you 
and in every barren spot of this kingdom, you must sub- 
mit to a state of dissipation or hostility. When do you 
mean to visit Dublin ? Together we might make it agree- 
able ; powerful as it is to destroy a relish for pleasure, it 
cannot get the better of friendship ; we may walk, and 
debate, and repine together — we may enjoy the society 
of spleen, which is more sincere than philanthropy. Hasten 
to one who is yours, 

Most affectionately, 
Henry Grattan. 




Granby Row, Feb. 27, 1772. 

My dear Day, 
You have expected parliamentary and national intelli- 
gence. You have conceived, from the present situation 
of Ireland, that both would have been interesting. You 
have deceived yourself ; great objects have been agitated ; 
no comprehensive or violent debates have ensued. The 
addition of five Commissioners, whether you consider it as 
a useless, a venal, an expensive, or an insulting measure, 
was highly exceptionable ; — that it demanded national 
resentment, and parliamentary assertion, was allowed by 
every party in opposition. The degree to which it should 
be resented, the measure by which it should vindicate its 
dignity, were subjects of division among all. The Duke 
of Leinster insisted on expulsion ; Lord Shannon wished 
for mildness ; Mr. Ponsonby was impatient for a Com- 
mittee to the King ; each condemned the redress proposed 
by the other, till they all were almost reconciled to the 
grievance. Men who meant well to the kingdom, and 
stood unconnected, saw that no strong measure could be 
carried, and that no meek measure was sufficient. Flood 
accordingly conceived a motion which, without an alarm- 
ing violence, would be to the new Commission highly 
embarrassing. Though the King may have a power, by 
Act of Parliament, to appoint twelve Commissioners, yet, 
to enable a division of the boards to act with a separate 
efficacy, a new Act of Parliament is, I am told, indispens- 
able : to resolve that the House of Commons would not pass 
such an Act, was his motion. The papers have told you 
that this motion was carried. After the success of this 
motion, it was moved to suspend the five Commissioners 

s 2 


of Excise from their attendance on the House of Com- 
mons ; but this motion was defeated immediately. The 
sociable disposition of our country, as well as its modera- 
tion, would never support a measure of personal violence. 
Another motion was made, to condemn the advice which 
persuaded the King to appoint these Commissioners. It 
was, upon an equality of voices, referred to the Speaker, 
who determined, without hesitation, in favour of oppo- 
sition. Nothing more has been done, I believe, because 
nothing more can be carried. Defensive resolutions may 
be passed in Ireland, but an active perseverance is beyond 
the spirit of our parliament or people. 

Flood and Hussey were not eminent in these debates. 
Flood did not excel, because be did not exert himself in 
eloquence ; but persuaded, that a single suffrage was of 
the last consequence, and that it was easy to disgust a 
fluctuating individual, he was cautious in every assertion, 
shrewd and guarded in every observation ; he watched the 
varying countenance of the House, and hastened to correct 
every prejudicial impression, in the language of wisdom, 
not oratory. Lord Shannon, it is imagined, is gone over 
to Government ; if so, Lord Townshend may possibly see 
another Session, not otherwise. Remember me to all our 

Yours, most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 


Dec. 29, 1772. 

I did intend to write before, but hate to write to you in 
a hurry, and in the same temper with which 1 write to 
others. I am now at Celbridge, go to Calvertstown to- 
morrow, but will probably return to Celbridge, and not go 



on to Kilkenny. I have, for these few days, read the 
law ; and I see the nonsense of being a practitioner, unless 
I spend my vacations for the purpose of study in one 
place. Last summer was completely so much time taken 
out of my life, of which I can never give the smallest 

Ireland continues in perfect repose, except a duel » 
nothing gives it entertainment. 

Lord Harcourt is proper and decent, and old and polite ; 
and having done nothing, has done no mischief : he is very 
much the reverse of poor Sancho.* 

Sir William Osborne is not yet, as I have heard, dis- 
missed. It is generally believed he will be turned out, as 
he refuses to take the oaths, under the new appointment of 
the Commissioners, who are now constructed in a different 
manner, in consequence of the division of the boards. 

I wish you could be in Dublin any part of this winter ; 
we might have pleasant parties together, to Powerscourt, 
&c. &c. I enjoy the country in expedition with you, more 
than in a course of residence. 

I am much obliged to you and Moore f for a wish to 
see me, but really (I am speaking truth), the time of year, 
the shortness of the vacation, the scattered visits which 
I must make, and the necessity of reading a little to a 
man who has a great prospect of study, though not of 
advancement, would make the journey to Dunamore 

Yours most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

* Lord Townshend, so named in " Barataria." 

f Afterwards Judge Moore, a great friend of Mr. Grattan, who as. 
sisted in his return for Wicklow, to oppose the Union in 1800, and on 
whose arm he came leaning into the House of Commons, when 
attacked by Mr. Corry. 



Close of Lord Townshend's administration. — Accession of Lord Har- 
court. — Absentee tax proposed but abandoned. — Insignificant 
concessions to Ireland. — First concession to the Catholics.— Con- 
formity encouraged. — Origin of Irish resistance. — The American 
question. — Ireland called on to assist in the war. — She resists. — 
Popular efforts against the measure. — The spirit of the people 
roused. — The Hutchinsons. — Hely Hutchinson. — Double duel. 
— Mr. Grattan to Mr. Broome. — The same to the same. — 
Character of Hely Hutchinson. — His powers as a speaker — His 
satire.— Attack on Flood. — Attorney-General Tisdall. — Anecdotes. — 
Death of Tisdall. 

Lord Townshend's Government at length retired, 
and gave place to Lord Harcourt's, whose ad- 
ministration commenced in November 1772 with 
many professions of economy, and great promise 
of reduction ; but it proved not less extravagant 
or more constitutional than the preceding. It 
originated one, and altered four money-bills in the 
Privy Council. Its profusion and expense were 
as improper and unjustifiable; and though the 
House of Commons had, in 1757, unanimously 
voted that " the granting so much of the public 




revenues in pensions, was an improvident dispo- 
sition of the revenues, an injury to the crown, and 
detrimental to the people/' and though complaints 
on this subject had been general under the pre- 
ceding administration, yet from 1772, the date of 
its accession, to 1777, when it retired, the list 
of pensions was augmented from 52,253/. to 

In October 1733, Parliament assembled, and 
provided for the payment of an arrear of 265,000/., 
and granted in addition near 100,000/. a-year, to 
which increase of duties they were induced by 
the solemn pledge given to the Commons, that the 
expenses of Government would be retrenched, 
and an end put to the practice of running in 
debt. The Board of Excise, which in the pre- 
ceding administration had been augmented, was 
reduced, and an absentee-tax proposed on the 
part of Government, a tax of two shillings in the 
pound on the net rents of those who did not reside 
six months in each year in Ireland.* The English 
absentee proprietors took the alarm, and a letter 
was addressed to Lord North from the Duke of 
Devonshire, Lords Rockingham, Besborough, Mil- 

* " No news, but that the ministry give up the Irish tax ; — some say, 
because it will not pass in Ireland ; others, because the city of London 
would have petitioned against it ; and some, because there were fac- 
tions in the council — which is not the most incredible of all. I am 
glad, for the sake of some of my friends, who would have suffered by it, 
that it is over." — Horace Walpole's Correspondence, November 1773 : 
Letter to the Earl of Strafford. 




ton, and Upper Ossory, remonstrating against the 
measure, as injurious to both countries, and tending 
to a separation in interest and affection. Lord 
North replied that the only knowledge the British 
Government had of the proposition was the com- 
munication from the Lord Lieutenant ; that certain 
measures for the relief of Ireland were to be pro- 
posed, of which a tax on absentees formed a part, 
and the British Government was of opinion that 
the plan should be carried into execution, 
although the absentee-tax formed a part of it.* 

In consequence of this, the absentee proprietors 
were summoned to meet, but further proceedings 
on their part became unnecessary, as the measure 
was abandoned in the Irish Parliament. Mr. Flood 
strongly supported it, stating that the rents of 
Ireland did not exceed three millions, of which one 
million was withdrawn by absentees. Mr. Burgh 
however opposed it. At this period the debt of 
the nation amounted to 994,890/., and the pen- 
sions to 172,464/.; notwithstanding which, this 
ministry, which had promised reduction, and com- 
plained of the extravagance of Lord Townshend's 
government, increased the civil list 9,000/., the mi- 
litar y22,000/., the revenue 24,000/., and granted 
new pensions in the space of two years to the 
amount of 24,000/. 

In 1774, some inferior measures were passed in 

* See Appendix for the list of absentees. 


the British Parliament. The fisheries were opened 
to Ireland ; the clothing of the troops that were 
on the Irish establishment was allowed to be ex- 
ported from Ireland ; and the importation of rape- 
seed was permitted into Great Britain. These 
trifling measures, too inconsiderable to deserve 
the name of relief, and scarcely worth mentioning, 
were rather the result of the necessities of Great 
Britain than of her justice. 

The first dawn of liberality now appeared, in a 
Bill to relieve the Roman Catholics, and allow 
them to lend money on mortgages. The House 
had, on the 18th of May 1772, passed a bill secur- 
ing to Papists the repayment to them of money 
lent to Protestants on mortgage ; the second read- 
ing of it, however, was only carried by a majority 
of two — the numbers being 69 to 67. The Catho- 
lics evinced their gratitude for this, and presented 
an address to Lord Townshend, returning him 
thanks for the lenity of his government, and ex- 
pressing their hopes that their loyalty would en- 
title them to obtain some further relaxation of the 
penal laws. 

On the 16th December 1773, a Bill was brought 
into the Lords to enable Papists to lend money on 
mortgages, and was carried by 24 to 17. As how- 
ever this bill was not returned to the Commons, 
Mr. Langrishe, on the 24th January 1774, brought 
in a Bill to allow Papists to take mortgages 
on land. This was carried only by 33 to 29. On 



[chap. XII. 

the 8th February, Mr. Maunsell proposed the 
heads of a Bill to enable Papists to take leases for 
three lives, but not to constitute a freehold unless 
the lessees were Protestants: so slow were the steps 
with which liberality then proceeded. The bill was 
supported by Mr. Langrishe, Mr. Flood, and Mr. 
Burgh, and was carried only by 77 to 74. In that 
debate it was stated that all who had conformed 
from the year 1702 to the year 1773 only amounted 
to 4,055 ;* so unpalatable was the process of con- 
version, and so ineffectual the progress of the penal 

The House went into a Committee on the 11th 
February on Mr. Langrishe's Bill. The Bill was 
entitled " A Bill for the better encouragement of 
persons professing the Popish religion to become 
Protestants, and for the further improvement of 
the kingdom." Thus masking as it were their act 
of liberality under the appearance of religion and 
Protestantism. By this Bill, Papists might take 
leases of land for any term of years, in any city or 
market-town, not exceeding fifty square perches, 

* The number of Catholics who conformed were as follows : — 

From 1702 


1708 . . 


" 1708 


1713 . . 

. 112 

" 1713 


1723 . . 


" 1723 


1733 . . 


" 1733 


1743 . . 

. 639 

" 1743 


1752 . . 

. 569 

" 1752 


1762 . . 

. 876 

" 1762 


1773 . . 

. 1301 





and in any other part not exceeding fifty planta- 
tion acres ; no Papist to have more than one lot — 
on taking his lease to take the oath of allegiance — 
and at his death the lease to gavel among his 
successors ; and if the widow or children should 
conform within twelve months, conformist was to 
have the largest share.* This Bill, which was at 
that time considered an act of great liberality, 
would now be looked on with amazement and in- 
dignation ; and it serves to show how strange was 
that union which a few years afterwards took 
place between parties that viewed each other with 
such suspicion. This Bill passed by a majority 
of 123 to 69. 

On the bill to enable Catholics to take leases 
for lives, the Committee was put off to the month 
of August ; so that the measure was defeated. 

Thus ended the session of 1774. The one 
which now approached was pregnant with great 
events, and laid the foundation of that resistance 
which sprung up shortly afterwards. On the 
opening of Parliament on the 10th October, 1775, 
the address to the Lord Lieutenant alluded to the 
American war, which it termed a rebellion. An 
amendment was proposed by Mr. Ponsonby, in 
favour of adopting conciliatory measures with 

* " Difference in point of faith," said Mr. Burgh, " is not the ques- 
tion ; we differ in regard to the geography of the other world. I think 
there are but two climes in it, the papists think there are three ; but yet 
they might agree in the geography and cultivation of this world, and I 
am not to consider what they think of the next, provided they let me go 
quietly through this." 



regard to the colonies, but in vain ; and the ad- 
dress was carried, though strongly opposed by 
Mr. Yelverton, Mr. Ponsonby, Mr. Burgh, and 
Mr. Daly — the latter declaring that this war 
would lead to the taxation of Ireland, and that 
30,000 English swords would enforce the doctrine. 
The next day Mr. Burgh moved an amendment, 
on the report being brought up, expressive of 
their concern at the disturbances in America, and 
condemning the causes that led to them. He de- 
clared that if America was brought on her knees, 
Ireland would be enslaved, that Great Britain 
had not relinquished her design of destroying the 
rights of this kingdom — that she had taken away 
the final judicature — and had burned, by the 
hands of the common hangman, the book written 
by Molyneux, in defence of the rights of Ireland. 
The amendment, however, was lost, and the ad- 
dress passed by 92 to 52. 

This proceeding on the part of Government, 
was quickly followed up ; and Parliament having 
approved in some degree of the principle, was 
called on to assist in the war ; and on the 25th of 
November, a motion was made that 4,000 men 
should be spared for service abroad, out of the 
12,000 which was the number declared necessary 
by law for the internal defence of Ireland ; and it 
was proposed that an equal number of foreign 
Protestant troops should be admitted, in lieu of 
those sent abroad. At this two-fold proposition, 



the result of bigotry on the one side, and tyranny 
on the other, the spirit of the patriotic party was 
roused. Mr. Ponsonby declared that if Ireland 
assisted England in punishing America for resist- 
ing the taxation that was attempted to be enforced 
by England, she furnished an argument against 
herself. Mr. Fitzgibbon (the father) said that if 
Ireland refused her aid, the king would pause, and 
proceed with greater caution, and thus Ireland 
would be the means of inducing him to put an end 
to so unjust a war. Mr. Bushe declared that it 
was against the law of nations, the law of the 
land, the law of humanity, and the law of nature; 
that the proposition to save the pay of 4,000 men, 
was merely a bribe held out to Ireland to get her 
to cut the throats of the Americans ; and that if 
the principle of taxation was established against 
America, Ireland would be at the mercy of Eng- 

Mr. Burgh concluded a most able speech by 
saying that he had laid it down as a maxim 
never to give support to a motion which was 
calculated to harass the minister, and not to 
serve the people. " When there was a conside- 
rable majority on the part of the Government, 
I thought it best not to hazard a question 
which there was a certainty of losing. I have 
made, for that reason, fewer motions than any 
man in this House. Having no enemies to en- 
counter—no partizans to serve — without pas- 
sion, without prejudice, and without fear — I. will 



deliver my opinion on the present question, — one 
of the greatest importance. I will not vote a 
single man against America, without an accom- 
panying address recommending conciliatory mea- 
sures. I foresee the consequence of this war. If 
Ministers are victorious, it will only be establish- 
ing a right to the harvest, after they have burned 
the grain— it will be establishing a right to the 
stream, after they have cut off the fountain. Such 
is my opposition — a method ill calculated to secure 
emolument, or to gain popularity. My conduct 
will not please either party ; but I despise profit, 
and I despise popularity, if one is to be gained 
only by blind servility, and the other purchased 
by blind zeal. Farewell emolument, farewell po- 
pularity, if fair fame is to be the victim." 

Mr. Yelverton made a most eloquent speech on 
the same side, supported by Mr. Conolly, and op- 
posed by Mr. Foster, Mr. Langrishe, and Mr. 
Flood, who had just accepted the office of one of 
the three Vice-Treasurers. All opposition was 
fruitless, and the measure was finally carried by 
121 to 76. 

When it came afterwards into Committee, An- 
thony Malone in the chair, Mr. Bushe proposed 
an amendment, but in vain ; the 4,000 men were 
voted by 103 to 58 ; and the second proposition, 
to substitute 4,000 Protestant troops, free of all 
charge to Ireland, in lieu of those withdrawn from 
the country, was defeated by 106 to 68. 

In the House of Lords, also, the measure met 



considerable opposition from the Duke of Leinster, 
Lords Charlemont, Meath, Powerscourt, Wandes- 
ford, and Farnham. They entered their protest 
against the measure, denouncing it as a breach of 
faith towards Ireland, and a violation of the agree- 
ment to keep up 12,000 men for the defence of the 

These debates, which were animated and elo- 
quent, and were kept up in every stage of the 
measure with great spirit, made a deep impression 
on the minds of the Irish people. They felt the 
principle of freedom, and saw the danger of its 
violation. The dread of taxation, and inability to 
contribute to the expenses of so unjust a war, 
made them reflect on their situation ; and both at 
home and abroad they beheld the rights of a 
nation invaded, and the liberties of mankind en- 

In the British House of Commons these pro- 
ceedings were, in February, 1777, brought under 
the consideration of Parliament by Mr. Towns- 
hend, and an attempt was made to censure the 
conduct of the Irish Government ; but without 

We now digress toanother subject and turn to the 
following letters which refer to a very remarkable 
family, the founder of w T hich was John Hely Hut- 
chinson — whose character is described in " Bara- 
taria" by Sir Hercules Langrishe. They rose by 
their talents. The father was Prime Serjeant in 



the beginning of the reign of George III. — Provost 
of Trinity College — had the pay of major in the 
army — was a lawyer — a Member of Parliament — 
and in 1782 was Secretary of State for Ireland. He 
grew so conspicuous for engrossing office, that he 
was viewed with jealousy by most men of his day, 
but who could neither equal him in ability or ad- 
dress. Of his sons, Richard Hely, Earl of Donough- 
more, was Representative Peer in the Imperial 
Parliament, and John Hely, Lord Hutchinson, was 
general in the army, and was created a British 
Peer for his military services in Egypt, in 1801. 

Both of these personages were always friends 
to the Catholics ; the latter, however, supported 
the Union ; but after it had passed, he bitterly 
and loudly lamented it. He was considered the 
bosom friend of the Prince of Wales ; and when 
the restrictions expired, and his royal highness 
got his father's crown, and retained his father's 
administration (notwithstanding all their ill usage 
towards him,) Lord Hutchinson still essayed, but 
in vain, to keep alive in the breast of George IV. 
the decaying embers of his early Irish affection. 

Mr. Hutchinson,* who was an active and prac- 
tised politician, was a character most unfit for the 

* In 1748, he was called to the bar ; — in 1759, he came into Parlia- 
ment ; — in 1762, was appointed Prime Serjeant; — in 1774, Provost; — 
in 1777 Secretary of State for Ireland; — in 1795, he died. A humor- 
ous essay, entitled " Pranceriana" appeared on the occasion of his being 
elected Provost, inveighing most bitterly against him ; it was full of 
satire and ridicule. 



situation of Provost of the University ; and he na- 
turally drew upon himself a host of enemies. It 
was exactly the office he should have avoided. 
Neither his avocations nor his habits fitted 
him to discharge its duties. He had dispersed a 
meeting of college electors who had assembled to 
consider the choice of a representative ; and this 
proceeding drew from Mr. William Doyle a 
spirited address, in which he complained of the 
conduct of the Provost. The Provost sent him a 
message ; but Mr. Doyle, being afflicted with sore 
eyes, objected to stand merely to be shot at, 
without the power of retaliating; but he promised 
a punctual attendance , as soon as he was able to 
stir out. This, however, did not satisfy ; and the 
Provost's son, taking offence also, sent a message 
to Doyle. The answer was, that he had nothing 
to say to him — that the offence, if any, was to the 

Upon this the son posted Mr. Doyle, and some 
expressions of the father having been reported to 
Mr. Doyle, he, in his turn, sent the message. The 
parties met — which was not an easy matter to 
accomplish ; for the Provost had the gout, and 
Doyle the rheumatism ; and the latter was so ill, 
that he was obliged to lean upon a crutch. Both 
fired, — but neither party was wounded. Thus 
ended this unseemly proceeding. Afterwards 
Mr. Doyle and the Provost's son proceeded to 
settle their separate quarrel, but were prevented 




[chap. XII. 

by the civil authorities. They, however, went 
abroad, and there arranged their dispute, but 
fortunately without any fatal consequences. 


July 19, 1774. 

My dear Broome, 
I was not able to leave town last night, my business keep- 
ing me, — my horse not fit to carry me. I shall go down in 
an hour to Celbridge, with great doubts of my horse's 
ability or disposition to bear me. If I can return to Bray 
to-morrow, I will ; but it will not be very easy for me to do 
that, or very dutiful in me to leave Marlay so abruptly ; 
however, it is not impossible but I may. 

I enclose the paper, without being able to get a frank. 

Mr. Hutchinson walked as Provost yesterday, at the 
funeral of his predecessor. He is understood to carry 
over his pension of 1,000/. a-year. Mr. Blaquiere, the 
alnager, is understood to have the original salary of 300/. 
only, with his predecessor's pretensions to a pension of 
1,000/. Mr. Dennis is Prime Serjeant — Mr. Scott solicitor. 
Mr. Hussey is said to have declared his intention of pro- 
posing himself to College as candidate. Mr. Edward 
Malone, second son to the late judge, and ourfriend Doyle, 
avow themselves as intending to stand candidates for Col- 
lege. They both declared to me those intentions, and pro- 
pose themselves to consideration. Mr. Malone waited on 
the Provost to declare his sentiments, and was received 
with great surprise. 

Yours most affectionately, 
Henry Grattan. 

chap, xn.] 




January 28, 1775. 

My Dear Broome, 
I have this moment received your two letters. It was 
unnecessary for you to draw on Wy brant's. Doyle has 
been much embroiled by antagonists, having fought one 
duel, and having on his hands another, calling on his 
antagonists in both. He is, in the opinion of the world, 
justified for refusing to meet a third enemy, who had no 
claim of honour upon him. The world seems, in his case, 
to have adopted his principle, that a man who has fought 
is not obliged to fight every man who calls upon him. The 
affair is fully stated in the newspapers in all its extent. 
With respect to Walshe, every thing is ended ; with 
respect to Hutchinson, I understand, every thing is not 
ended, and the parties being bound over here, Doyle seems 
determined, as soon as he can bear the sea, to visit some 
other country. 

My alarms, I believe, were groundless. I find myself 
tolerably well, though afflicted now and then by rheu- 
maticks, and always by idleness. I shall hold some years 
longer, with an utter distaste to the world. I mean to 
ride to-day to Tinnehinch, and return to-morrow. Here 
I feel the want of you. I go to that place with a heavy 
heart, and am impatient to leave it before I get to it. 

Four regiments are to be sent to America from Ireland ; 
one of Dragoons, (viz. Drogheda's light horse,) who bring 
their horses along with them. 

You see in the paper, Lord Chatham has moved in the 
House of Lords, to recall the forces from Boston. There 
is a poor account of the debate in the newspaper. Here 

t 2 


there is nothing new, nothing interesting; a noisy Four 
Courts, a lazy metropolis, and a childish public spirit. 
Remember me to Moore, and Mr. Whitley, and believe 

Yours most affectionately, 

Henry Grattan. 

The individual just mentioned, deserves here a 
more particular attention. 

John Hely Hutchinson came into office as Prime 
Serjeant under Lord Townshend's administration. 
He belonged to a fine race, possessed great spirit 
and courage, and supported almost every honest 
measure ; among others, the Claim of Right, the 
Free Trade, the Catholics, and the Reform. He 
supported the Pension Bill. He voted, but did 
not speak on the American War. There were 
many lesser measures that he did not support, 
but the main and essential ones he did. Horace 
Walpole, in his Memoirs, says of him, " he 
annoyed Rigby, and other courtiers ; possessed of 
good parts he exerted them briskly, and gave 
much annoyance to the administration of the 

Hutchinson's error was, that he grasped at office, 
and kept it with the various Administrations. 
This rendered him unpopular, and his situation as 
Provost made him more so ; but these private 
objects cannot be set up against great public 
measures ; and the reason men cried out against 




him was, that they considered him as their 
rival in the way of office, and there every man 
was his competitor, and felt more, perhaps, on 
that account, than on any great question ; for men 
cannot judge of the one as they have not time to 
see its effect or its benefit, but every man is, or 
professes to be, a judge of the other. 

Hutchinson wrote an excellent treatise, intitled 
" Commercial Restraints of Ireland," for which he 
deservedly obtained the highest credit. As a 
speaker he was good ; he possessed, perhaps, 
greater powers of satire than any other man ; it 
was incomparable; nothing could be better; it 
was the finest and severest style, adapted to the 
highest order of matter, and in its effects it was 
fatal. Flood's was very good, but Hutchinson's 
was better ; his reply was neater and more severe ; 
there was nothing coarse, and it was certain to 
be remembered. 

In 1768, he made a celebrated reply to Mr. 
Flood, who had described him in several letters 
signed Philadelphus, which were published in the 
papers of the day, and he there draws his charac- 
ter under the title of " Serjeant Rufinus" (being 
Prime Sergeant at the commencement of the 
reign,) and he treats his conduct with great seve- 
rity. But Mr. Flood's authority is doubtful ; for 
he was rather too partial, at that period, to give 
a fair opinion of Hutchinson's character. Hut- 
chinson retaliated upon him in the House, and 



[chap. XII. 

concluded his philippic by terming him a " spouter 
of periods," an " artificer of attitudes," a " petty 
dealer in seven-fold phraseology." Some nights 
afterwards, Flood replied, and severely ; but Hut- 
chinson very wisely observed, " that they had con- 
tended enough, and had better now unite and 
exert themselves for their country's good." 

Hutchinson, no doubt, was the servant of many 
governments, but he was an Irishman, notwith- 
standing, which was more than could be said of 
some others, who had Anti-Irish feelings, although 
they had Irish birth ; but Hutchinson was self- 
interested, and wanted openness and directness 
of character. 

An occurrence between him and Mr. Tisdall, 
who was Attorney-General, affords an instance of 
his humour. Some particular measures had been 
carried in favour of Government, by the exertions 
chiefly of these two individuals. Hutchinson, 
who was in office at the time, accosted Tisdall in 
his humorous style, and said, 46 Now, Mr. Tisdall, 
that we have done the service of the Government, 
what do you think if we were to do something for 
the country?" Tisdall, with his wonted gravity, 
replied, " Mr. Hutchinson, ruined ! — ruined by 
G — ! if we attempt that, we are undone. The 
opposition will bear that we should take the emo-. 
luments, but if we lay claim to popularity, we are 
ruined for ever"' 

They were both very odd characters, and both 




very vain, but in a different way, Tisdall's vanity 
was grave, — Hutchinson's was gay. Hutchinson 
would exert himself for liberty, if it did not inter- 
fere with his interest; — Tisdall was averse to any 
liberty whatever. 

The friendship between these two individuals, 
however, did not subsist long ; and when Hutchin- 
son was Provost in 1776, he quarrelled with his 
old friend. Having been insulted in the Four 
Courts by Mr. (afterwards Dr.) Duigenan, and 
deeming it beneath his dignity to have any thing 
to do with so low a person, he called upon Tisdall 
to make him responsible for his friend's conduct. 
He told him that one of his retainers had insulted 
him, and that he would make him answer for it ; 
and that therefore he must consider that he had 
intended to insult him. Mr. Tisdall calmly re- 
plied, " Mr. Provost, I will consider no such 
thing;' 1 and he walked into the King's Bench, and 
applied for an information against him. Hutchin- 
son spoke in his own defence ; seventeen counsel 
were engaged ; and the information would have 
been granted, had not Tisdall died in the mean 
time. Thus Hutchinson escaped by the death of 
his friend, and got his son, afterwards Lord 
Donoughmore, elected Member for the University 
in his place. A petition, however, was presented 
against his return — the seat was vacated and Mr. 
Fitzgibbon (Lord Clare) who had been counsel in 
the case against Mr. Hutchinson, was rewarded 



for his legal exertions by being chosen representa- 
tive, and in 1777, he took his seat for that place 
along with Walter Hussey Burgh, a great man! 
and a great name — but — Heu! quam diversi!! 
they then represented the same place — they now 
repose in the same place — their earthly struggle 
is over and their remains lie buried in the same 
church-yard, — the champion of Ireland's liberty 
and her betrayer! but "the evil men do lives 
after them " — while " the good is oft interred with 
the bones" 



Mr. Grattan's first entrance into Parliament. — His connexion with Lord 
Charlemont. — Sits for the borough of Charlemont. — His first speech. 
— Opposed to Mr. Flood. — Unjust distribution of offices. — Opinions 
of the press of Mr. Grattan's debut in Parliament. — Embargo on pro- 
visions the cause of great distress. — Mr. Grattan moves for retrench- 
ment. — Charles Fox becomes acquainted with Mr. Grattan. — Distress 
of the people. — Swift on the treatment of Ireland. — The Irish in 
America. — English reverses in America. — Their beneficial effect on 
Ireland. — 1778. — Motion by Mr. Grattan for retrenchment — without 
success. — Popish Relief Bill. — Denis Daly, his character. — Mr. 
Grattan's intimacy with him. — Daly's death in 1791. 

It was at the important crisis of the American war 
that freedom acquired a new champion by Mr. 
Grattan's entrance into Parliament. His con- 
nexion with Lord Charlemont led to this fortu- 
nate event, and under his auspices (there could not 
be better) he commenced his public life. On the 
death of Mr. Caulfield, Lord Charlemont's brother, 
who was lost at sea between Parkgate and Dublin, 
Mr. Grattan was returned for the borough of 
Charlemont, and took his seat on the 11th of 
December 1775. 

The first speech he made was on the 15th, and 
had reference to the celebrated individual, Mr. 
Flood, his early friend, his future competitor. It 


was on the petition of the vice-treasurers of Ire- 
land, Mr. Craggs Clare and Welbore Ellis, who 
sought compensation for the loss of official fees. 
In justice to Mr. Flood, who had just accepted the 
office, it must be said that he declined to sign the 
petition ; he always contended that these offices 
should be brought home, and the evils of absentee- 
ism so far remedied. His idea was, that no good 
could be done to Ireland without taking office ; 
that the influence of the crown was so great, that 
it was not possible to oppose it ; and that the only 
way to serve the country was by serving her when 
in power. He had succeeded Lord Hawkes- 
bury, whose predecessor had been Lord Chatham, 
and both of whom were absentees. Such was the 
manner in which office and salary were dis- 

This had been a grievance of long standing ; and 
so far back as 1724, Swift complains, in one of his 
Drapier's letters, that all the considerable offices 
were enjoyed by those who had weight at the 
court of England and resided in that kingdom ; 
Lord Berkeley held the great office of Master of 
the Rolls ; Lord Palmerston that of Remem- 
brancer, at 2000/. a-year ; Doddington, secretary 
to Lord Pembroke, was Clerk of the Rolls, at 
2,500/. per annum ; Southwell was Secretary of 
State; Lord Burlington was Lord High Treasurer ; 
Mr. Addison was Keeper of Bermingham Tower ; 
Hopkins, secretary to the Duke of Grafton, was 




Master of the Revels ; Mr. Arden was Treasurer, 
with 9,000/. a-year ; and of the Commissioners of 
Revenue, four resided in England. Injustice so 
flagrant as this, loudly called for condemnation. 

Mr. Grattan said the measure was a new Money 
Bill, in the disguise of an address to gratify the 
petitioners, who were absentees, and who possessed 
lucrative sinecures, receiving upwards of 3,000/. 
a-year for doing nothing.* The motion, however, 
was carried, and 3,500/. a-year was granted to 
each of the three Vice-Treasurers. 

The next measure Mr. Grattan took a part in 
was on Mr. Hussey Burgh's motion on the em- 
bargo ; " that the attempt to suspend law, under 
the colour of the prerogative of the crown, was 

In the month of February, 1776, Government 
laid an embargo, by proclamation, on the export 
of provisions from Ireland. In consequence of 
this, the distresses of the country greatly in- 
creased ; her linen trade declined ; her provision 
trade was stopped ; thousands of artizans were unem- 
ployed in Dublin, and the complaints were general 
throughout the kingdom. This proceeding, so 
violent and tyrannical and so detrimental to the 
manufactures and commerce of Ireland, was 
adopted by the British minister at the instigation 

* The remarks in the papers of the day were as follows. — "Mr. 
Grattan spoke — not a studied speech, but in reply — the spontaneous 
flow of natural eloquence. Though so young a man, he spoke without 
hesitation ; and if he keeps to this example, will be a valuable weight in 
the scale of patriotism." 




of some private individuals, and in order to favour 
a few interested contractors, thus was Ireland 
made the victim of their cupidity and misrepre- 
sentations in utter disregard of the advice and 
remonstrance even of those who were then con- 
nected with the Irish Government, but who never- 
theless, had not abjured every affection for their 
country. The motion was warmly supported by 
Mr. Grattan, Mr. Bushe, and Mr. Yelverton, and 
opposed by Mr. Flood, who gave it as his opinion 
that the crown possessed the right by virtue of its 
prerogative. In reply to Mr. Flood, Mr. Burgh 
declared the act to be arbitrary and illegal, and 
that all the arguments he used against it, were 
taken from a work written by Sir John Davies, to 
flatter James I. into the idea that he should be 
absolute. The motion was lost by 66 to 89. 

In November, 1777, Mr. Grattan moved for 
retrenchment in the expenses of the Government, 
and took an opportunity to condemn the policy of 
Great Britain in regard to America. This motion 
was rejected ; and another attempt to get rid of 
the embargo, made by Mr. Maunsell, with a view 
to enable Ireland to supply the forces with pro- 
visions, shared a similar fate ; it was, however, 
opposed by Mr. Hussey Burgh, who had accepted 
the office of Prime Serjeant, and which in conse- 
quence drew down upon him an attack from Mr. 

Mr. Grattan strove in vain to oppose the em- 
bargo and the improper grant of pensions ; and the 



Session of 1 777 passed without any relief being'ob- 
tained for the people, notwithstanding the exertions 
of the party, which, however, was daily acquiring 
greater strength and well deserved popularity. 

At this time Mr. Fox came over to Ireland, and 
then commenced that acquaintance with Mr. 
Grattan, which, a few years afterwards, proved to 
be of such service to the country, and which 
united Mr. Grattan in ties of friendship with that 
great character, — ties that subsisted through vari- 
ous changes, both in Ireland and England, until 
the lamented death of that individual in 1806. 
He heard Mr. Grattan speak in November, 1777, 
on a motion regarding a pension granted to a 
person of the name of Supple, a dependant of 
Sir John Blaquiere, who, by means of some job, 
got an office, respecting which a motion was 
made " that the order in Council appointing him 
should be laid before the House." The Court party 
sought to screen this individual, which Mr. Grattan 
opposed. Mr. Fox, as the Rules were not very 
strict, happened to sit in the body of the 
House, and perhaps this courtesy was shown 
to him as Member of the English Parliament. 
He afterwards met Mr. Grattan at dinner at 
Lord Moira's, and was much struck by his man- 
ner and style ; he complimented him on his 
speech, and quoted some of the passages which 
he had heard. This tact and politeness on the 
part of Mr. Fox, united with the gentle and 




captivating manner which always marked him in 
private, made an early impression on Mr. Grattan ; 
and long after he used to relate the circumstance 
with considerable pleasure. It was the produc- 
tion of an acquaintance and respect that was 
permanent and sincere. 

The acquiescence of Parliament, — her vote of 
support, — her vote of men to assist in the war, 
produced no good. The decay of the linen trade, 
and the provision trade, had reduced the inhabit- 
ants to the extremest poverty. The streets of 
Dublin were paraded by numerous bodies of 
starving manufacturers, who displayed a black 
fleece as a token of their distress and despair. 
Ten thousand of them were thrown out of em- 

In vain did Mr. Daly and Mr. Grattan declare, 
in the House of Commons, that thousands of the 
inhabitants were starving, and that while England 
enjoyed a foreign trade without bounds, Ireland 
was deprived of hers, and was taxed to support 
the war, and uphold a code of penal laws and 
illiberal restrictions. 

Justly had Swift observed, " Ireland is the 
only kingdom I ever heard or read of, either in 
ancient or modern history, which was denied the 
liberty of exporting their native commodities 
wherever they pleased. Yet this privilege, by 
the superiority of mere power, is refused to us 
in the most momentous parts of commerce ; be- 



sides an Act of Navigation, to which we never 
consented, pinned down upon us and rigorously 

At length, Fate decided in favour of Ireland, 
and the defeat of General Burgoyne, at Saratoga. 
October 1777, opened the eyes of the Minister to 
the necessity of a change in his policy towards 
Ireland. A connection had been formed between 
Ireland and America ; and the Irish, who had left 
their country in search of land, of habitations, of 
bread, and for liberty, stood foremost on the side 
of the Americans. It seemed as if Providence, 
with a mysterious and final justice, employed 
those Irish bands whom British Government 
banished from home, to turn back upon her, and 
take from the arrogance of her brow the palm of 
empire. The result of this defeat was felt in 
Ireland, and the Roman Catholic Relief Bill was 
the first fruits of it. 

In the year 1778 the distresses of the country 
were not relieved, and the expenses were not 
reduced ; on the contrary, the pensions and sala- 
ries were augmented. Accordingly, on the 2nd 
Feb., Mr. Robert Stewart, father of Lord Castle- 
reagh, proposed a resolution declaratory of the 
national expenses, and praying for retrenchment, 
but without success ; and Mr. Grattan, on the 
Gth, moved an Address to the King, stating the 
inability of the nation to contribute to the heavy 
expenses, and praying for reduction and economy. 



He entered into a long detail of the finances of 
the country, and shewed that the Pension List 
then exceeded the entire Civil List of 1757, and 
was double the amount of pensions in that year, 
when the House had " resolved that the improvi- 
dent disposition thereof was an injury to the 
Crown and detrimental to the public." 

Mr. Foster, and Mr. Burgh, then Prime Ser- 
jeant, supported the proposition; the latter de- 
claring, that though he assented to the measures 
of Government during the Session, he must now 
oppose them. This declaration from an official 
personage, and the disregard he showed for the 
situation which he held under Government, toge- 
ther with the conduct of Mr. Foster, perplexed 
the Minister. Mr. Flood, however (the new 
Vice-Treasurer), opposed the motion, and it was 
lost by 71 to 133. But no attention whatsoever 
was paid to the suggestions thrown out by these 
individuals, and the complaints of the people were 
suffered to pass unredressed. 

At length, Mr. Daly moved an Address to his 
Majesty, expressing their regret at the war, stating 
the great injuries sustained by Ireland, adding, 
however, that his Majesty might still rely on 
their services. This Address, in consequence of 
the addition, passed the House, but still the 
Minister remained heedless. 

Another attempt was made in August, by Mr. 
Daly, to carry an Address to the King, in order 




to assist the trade of the country, by granting a 
free export ; but he was again unsuccessful. Mr. 
Grattan, Yelverton, and Fitzgibbon, gave him a 
most strenuous support, but Government pre- 
vailed, and rejected the motion, and the only 
measure of importance which passed this Session, 
was the Popish Relief Bill, which came under 
discussion in the month of August. This Bill 
enabled Roman Catholics to make leases for lives 
or years concurrent, and to take land for 999 
years, or any number of years determinable on 
lives not exceeding five. Many alterations had 
been made in the Bill in England, and the clause 
regarding the Dissenters had been struck out. 
The Bill, however, was supported by Mr. Yel- 
verton, in a most able speech, and by Mr. Grattan, 
who objected to the alterations and omissions. It 
was opposed by Mr. Fitzgibbon, who, even at 
this early period, discovered those sentiments 
which afterwards proved so fatal to his country. 

With a view to throw out the Bill, it was 
moved to be committed on the 4th of Nov. ; but 
this motion was lost by 84 to 127, and the Bill 
accordingly passed. 

Mr. Denis Daly, who had taken so active a 
part this Session, deserves especial notice here. 
He was an individual singularly gifted. Born a 
man of family, of integrity, of courage, and of 
talent, he possessed much knowledge and great 
good-nature, an excellent understanding, and 




great foresight. His mind was strong, he was 
noble, liberal, and open-hearted. He had no 
vanity, but he had pride ; he was fastidious, not 
vain ; he possessed that pride which belongs to 
talent. His temper was hot, but his disposition 
gentle. In person, Denis Daly was handsome, of 
a pleasing and agreeable address, and so excel- 
lent a manner, that by it he conciliated every- 
body. His voice was good, and his sentences 
were accurately correct ; they were all perfect. 
He did not aim at a peculiar superiority in their 
construction ; and one was not greatly better 
than the other; but in every one there was a 
strength and a point. He almost always prepared 
himself beforehand. He was in parliament from 
1769 to 1791, and his speeches were chiefly in 
1778, on the Embargo, and in 1780-81. He 
was a friend to the Catholics, and he always sup- 
ported them. Daly was rather a great speaker 
than a great debater. There were men who pos- 
sessed more diligence and information, but he 
surpassed them all in talent. The noble quality 
of his mind placed him above the ordinary level 
of other men. He made use of the superior 
genius which nature gave him, to protect the 
weak ; to do so seemed a part of his nature ; and 
if there was a young man in company hardly 
pressed, he would come forth to his assistance, 
and throw his shield over him. But Daly was 
indolent, and not well versed in public accounts ; 



nevertheless, on a field-day, he would have 
proved superior to any man, and left far behind 
him every competitor. He had as much talent as 
Malone, with more boldness ; he surpassed Hus- 
s.ey Burgh in statement, though he was not so good 
in reply; and he was superior to Flood in general 
powers, though without his force of invective. 
The positions he took were generally strong, 
and his skill in their defence rendered them im- 
pregnable. No man took more care in writing 
his speeches, and none so little to preserve them. 

Daly's hospitality was great, and his entertain- 
ments were frequent and agreeable. He was a 
good classical scholar, and possessed an excellent 
library; and his books, which were his chief ex- 
pense, lay around in the room where his friends 
used to meet, and where the resources of his mind 
vied with the generosity of his disposition. His 
liberality was great, and he left his fortune, in 
consequence, much encumbered. He had, per- 
haps, too much aristocratic feeling about him ; he 
did not like the "Jumum strepitumque Romce 
he feared to let the people have too large a share 
in the government of the country, and he judged 
of the people of Ireland, from the people of his 
own county ; — but what might be good logic in 
Galway, was not good logic in the House of Com- 

In 1780, Daly had opposed the measure of in- 
dependence, and had spoken against it, depre- 

u 2 




eating the time and the danger. He had accepted 
a poor office, that of Muster-Master, with a salary 
of i,200/. a-year ; and he who ought to have given 
office to a Lord Lieutenant, condescended to ac- 
cept one from him. This injured him ; and Mr v 
Eden had weight with him, as he had with all the 
party at that time. He was, however, strongly 
attached to Mr. Grattan ; and even when he fol- 
lowed the court, and publicly supported them, he 
assisted him privately, and was of great service at 
that momentous period. He was the only man 
with whom Mr. Grattan kept up a constant com- 
munication ; and even when he opposed the ques- 
tion of right, he did it like an Irishman. 

Daly took at first an active part in Parliament, 
but did not speak much after ; and was accused, 
though unjustly, of remaining silent. In fact, he 
never spoke much at any time ; but he was some- 
what cramped by office, which in general spoils 
men, makes them keep one sort of company, and 
deprives them of the benefit of hearing both sides. 
They separate themselves from the people ; they 
begin by finding fault with their manners ; they 
then attack their principles ; and next they attack 
their rights. Daly, however, was not liable to the 
entire of this charge ; he was very honest, and was 
as little affected by the situation he held as any 
person could be. He was not a corrupt man, 
though in his moments of hilarity he used to say 
he was, — adding, jocularly however, " If I am cor- 




rupt, I am not very corrupt.*' But it was indolence 
that injured hirn ; that was his fault : he wanted 
only ambition to become the leading man of the 
country ; he was fitted to be so, and in a free 
state he would have been so. 

Daly's speaking was a succession of electric 
shocks, that followed each other so quickly, that 
they not only convinced, but subdued the under- 
standing. He was not a better speaker than 
Yelverton ; for Yelverton's best speeches were su- 
perior to those of any man ; but Daly had a better 
manner, a better tone, a better figure, and greater 
natural eloquence. Yelverton's mind was stronger, 
but his manner was coarse. On one occasion, 
Daly attacked Hussey Burgh, and did it well. 
Burgh had voted against a motion condemning 
the embargo, having on a former occasion opposed 
it. It was an act contrary to law, and was passed 
to gratify a few English contractors. Burgh, at 
that time, held office ; and alluding to him, Daly 
said, "The Treasury bench resembles the grave — 
it levels all distinctions,'" Burgh replied at the 
time, and observed, "To receive such attacks, 
belongs to my situation ; to deserve them, belongs 
to myself." He was much affected on the occa- 
sion, and striking his breast as he sat down by 
Mr. Grattan, he turned to him and said, " If I 
live, I shall answer it" He did so, and in the 
noblest manner — not. indeed, by words, but by 
the most dignified and patriotic conduct, when after 



an eloquent speech in favour of his country, on 
which occasion he electrified the House by the 
splendid allusion to the volunteers of Ireland and 
the laws of England, which he described 66 as sown 
like serpents" teeth, and springing up in armed 
men' — he resigned his office, and gave up all hopes 
of preferment ! 

Mr. Daly died in 1791, and his loss was re- 
gretted by no one more than by Mr. Grattan. He 
always complained of that as a "prodigious loss;" 
and that he would rather have followed his advice 
than that of any other man. His foresight and 
knowledge of men were very remarkable, and 
were particularly manifested on one occasion, — 
that to which Mr. Grattan alludes in his reply to 
the pamphlet of Lord Clare, where he mentions 
Mr. Daly's spirit of prophecy. There was a dinner 
at Mr. Hobart'sin 1785, in the Duke of Rutland's 
time, where Mr. Daly, Mr. Grattan, Mr. Fitz- 
gibbon, and others met. The Opposition had 
gained a great point at that time ; the propositions 
had been ceded ; England had yielded fairly and 
nstly; and the party were in high spirits — very 
joyous — and greatly elated with their victory. 
Some of the company alluded to a Union, and 
Fitzgibbon exclaimed in an exulting tone, " Who 
will dare talk of a union now? If such a thing 
was proposed to me, I would fling my office in 
the man's face." The company were very gay ; 
and when Fitzgibbon retired, Daly said, "That is 



the man who would support it — that little man 
who has talked so big, would vote for a union — 
aye, to-morrow." 

Mr. Grattan's opinion was, that Daly's death 
was an irretrievable loss to Ireland ; that if he had 
lived, there probably would have been no insur- 
rection ; he would have spoken to the people with 
authority, and would have restrained the Govern- 
ment ; for he had great weight with them, and 
they would have listened to him : he might thus 
have prevented the disturbances — for a very little 
would have done it. The Government wanted 
men of weight and coolness, and authority ; and 
they had none ; they had a hot little fury to deal 
with ; they had violent men at the Castle ; and 
here Daly's manner and mind and ascendancy 
would have awed and restrained. 



End of Lord Harcourt's Administration. — Succeeded by the Earl of 
Buckinghamshire. — Commissioners sent to treat with American Co- 
lonies. — Jealousy and distress of Ireland. — Letter of Lord Lieutenant 
to Lord North. — Irish ask for enlargement of their Trade. — Their 
attachment to the King and the Government. — Letter of Lord Lieute- 
nant to Lord Weymouth. — Militia Bill. — Offer by the gentry to raise 
men among their tenantry. — Independent Companies. — Singular state 
of Irish affairs. — Lord North's opinion. — Lord Lieutenant's opinions. 
— Decay of trade. — Exhausted Treasury. — Viceroy borrows 20,000/. 
from La Touche. — Misconduct of Ministers. — All payments stopped. 
— Government becomes Bankrupt. — They apply for a second sum 
of 20,0001. — Messrs. La Touche decline the advance. — Encampment 
of the Military abandoned. — Gross frauds detected in the payment 
of the troops. — Desperate state of Ireland. — Spencer's opinions on 
her resources. — Advice to future Ministers. — Letters of the Lord 
Lieutenant to Lord North on Irish Fisheries. — Injury inflicted on 
Ireland, Act being evaded. — Linen Manufacture. — Statement of 
Military Force. — Stops all Payments, Civil and Military. — Sends 
Mr. Clements to London to Lord North for assistance. — Letter to 
Lord Weymouth. — Stops the movement of the troops. — Left without 
supplies. — Impossible to defend Ireland if attacked. 

The prodigal administration of Lord Harcourt 
terminated in 1776, and on the 25th of January, 
1777, the Earl of Buckinghamshire assumed the 
Government of Ireland. His Ministry forms a 
most important sera in her history, and led to 
consequences most favourable to the cause of 




Civil Liberty. The rupture between Great Bri- 
tain and the American Colonies, and the just 
complaints of the latter roused the feelings and 
rivetted the attention of the Irish people. They 
now beheld with surprise and indignation that 
more respect was paid to the Americans, who 
were termed " Rebels," than to the Irish, whose 
loyalty and liberality were not only unquestioned, 
but marked by the expressed approbation of the 
King and the people of Great Britain. They saw 
that Commissioners were to be appointed to hear 
and redress the grievances of the disaffected 
colonies, while the King and the Ministers were 
alike careless of the wishes, heedless of the wants, 
and deaf to the repeated complaints of the people 
of Ireland. 

At length the necessities of the country induced 
the Lord Lieutenant to make a representation to 
Lord North, on the state of her distress ; and he 
addressed the following letters to the English mi- 
nister on the subject of the trade and the defence 
of the kingdom. The sentiments and expressions 
here used, were those introduced afterwards into 
the King's speech, and were subsequently pro- 
ductive of more beneficial results than the mere 
formalities of an address, and the reception of a 
reply ; but it was owing to the strenuous exertions 
of the people, that these important objects were 
achieved, and in opposition to the efforts made 



by the Government to arrest the progress of the 
volunteers and discourage the proceedings which 
they adopted in order to restore the trade and 
recover the liberties of their native country. 


Dublin Castle, March 20, 1778. 

My Lord, 

In consequence of the very kind disposition expressed by 
both Houses of Parliament in Great Britain towards this 
kingdom, at this critical juncture, which have been re- 
ceived here with the utmost satisfaction and gratitude, I 
have been pressed by many of his Majesty's principal ser- 
vants, and other gentlemen, who have uniformly and 
steadily supported his Majesty's measures in Parliament, 
to lay before your lordship their humble hope that the 
present situation of affairs may afford an opportunity of 
improving those favourable dispositions into some real 
benefits for this country. 

As they apprehend, that the Act lately passed in Great 
Britain, for appointing commissioners to treat with the colo- 
nies, and the present state of the British empire, must soon 
bring on the consideration of the whole system of British 
commerce, they have thought it incumbent upon them to 
represent it to me as their true sentiments, concurring with 
those of the public, that this would be a proper time for 
me to solicit your lordship's favour, and to submit to you 
their earnest request, that whatever privileges or advan- 
tages in trade shall be granted to the colonies, if the con- 
ciliatory plan shall take effect, may be extended to Ire- 

* Lord North was first Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the 




land ; and that the colonies may not in any respect be put 
upon a better footing than Ireland. 

In different conversations, which have passed between 
me and some of the ablest men here concerning the trade 
of this kingdom, I have been thoroughly convinced that an 
enlargement of it in many instances is become absolutely 
necessary for its support, as well to enable it to answer 
the many drains to which it is annually subject, particu- 
larly to Great Britain, as to make provision for the ex- 
penses of his Majesty's Government, which of late years 
have increased to a considerable amount. And I am per- 
suaded that the wealth and advantages proceeding from 
such enlargement of their trade would not only re- 
dound to the benefit of Great Britain, but that in return 
his Majesty may expect the utmost effort of his subjects in 
this kingdom in support of his government, and for the 
general service of the British empire. I have therefore 
made no difficulty in complying with their request, that I 
would represent this state, as the general sense of the 
country, to your lordship, in order that when any system of 
commerce shall be agitated, such steps may be taken with 
respect to the trade of Ireland, as shall appear to be most 
for the benefit of the two kingdoms. 

I cannot entertain a doubt of your Lordship's readiness to 
promote such a solid advantage to this country; and in justice 
to it I must declare, that the steadiness of all persons of any 
rank to co-operate in every measure which can at this 
crisis conduce to the maintenance of the dignity of Great 
Britain, and their zeal and attachment to his Majesty and 
his Government, very fully entitle them to all the assist- 
ance which can be given them by his Majesty's ministers, 
and to every mark of favour that can be granted them by 
the British Parliament. Your Lordship will therefore permit 




me to recommend this measure in the strongest manner to 
your support. 

I have the honour to be, &c, 


the lord lieutenant to lord weymouth.* 
Dublin Castle, 2\st April, 1778. 

My Lord, 

Your lordship will receive by this messenger twenty Bills 
which have passed the Council. I inclose a list of them 
herewith, and as there is nothing extraordinary in any of 
them, which is not explained in the letters accompanying 
them from the Privy Council, except the Militia Bill, 
I have only to recommend them to your lordship's protec- 
tion, and to lay before you some observations upon that 
Bill. Your lordship will find that this bill differs very 
little from one that was transmitted and rejected in the 
latter end of Lord Harcourt's administration. That Bill 
was opposed at the time, as not being then necessary, as 
being very expensive, and the gentlemen of the army 
alleged it would clash with the military ; but when the 
Bill now transmitted was under consideration in the House 
of Commons, those objections were not revived. It passed 
without opposition, a militia or some force besides that of 
the army being thought by the gentlemen of this country 
absolutely necessary in those counties, particularly in the 
north, from which the regular forces are intended to be 
withdrawn. But when it came into council, by much the 
greater number of Lords were of opinion that it would not 
answer the good purposes for which it was formed. In the 
southern parts the number of Protestants is so inconsider- 
ble, that it would be difficult to form a militia, and the troops 
* Lord Weymouth was Secretary of State for the Home Department. 




being stationed in those parts, there cannot be much occa- 
sion for it; and the use intended by a militia in the north 
being the preservation of the peace and good order amongst 
the lower ranks of people, lest, during the absence of his 
majesty's forces, that opposition to the payment of rents, 
tithes, and assessments, which prevailed so strongly in 
some of the northern counties some years ago, might again 
be revived, it seemed to be the opinion of several of the 
lords who declined signing the Bill, that as the militia 
would be composed of that body of the people which may 
be suspected of being inclined to enter into such riots, 
there could be no dependence upon their acting in the 
suppression of them. 

They also thought that discipline could not be kept up 
by the mode of fining prescribed in the Bill, and that the 
service proposed might be more effectually executed, by 
raising in such particular counties as shall be thought 
fitting, a certain number of independent companies. 

I must observe to your lordship, that a clause was in- 
troduced into this Militia Bill, when before the Committee 
of the House of Commons to which it was referred, 
authorising the Chief Governor of Ireland to raise inde- 
pendent companies ; and, in general, the gentlemen of the 
House of Commons showed a disposition to be satisfied, 
either with the militia or with independent companies. 

The clause was not omitted from any preference to a 
militia, but upon a suggestion of its being improper, upon 
the ground that his Majesty might, by his prerogative, in 
times of danger, raise independent companies without any 
enabling authority from parliament. But the question 
respecting his Majesty's prerogative was not debated. 

Several gentlemen of considerable property declared in 
the House of Commons, that they would, if authorised, 
raise without loss of time independent companies, formed 



out of their respective tenantries, of men upon whom they 
could depend ; and those Lords of Council who declined 
signing this Bill, seemed of opinion that companies so 
formed are much better to be relied upon than a militia. 

As I think it incumbent upon me to submit my thoughts 
upon these points, to the consideration of his Majesty and 
his Council, I beg leave to offer it as my humble opinion, 
that, if his Majesty shall think it expedient, and it shall 
be deemed legal, to authorise me in such manner, and 
with such limitations, as his Majesty shall judge proper, 
to raise independent companies in the different counties in 
this kingdom, where they may be of public utility upon 
the present occasion, it will be a measure very proper to 
be adopted, and preferable to the establishment of a 
militia, as proposed to be constituted by the present Bill ; 
and if his Majesty, with the advice of his Council, shall be 
of that opinion, and a signification of his Majesty's com- 
mands, under his Majesty's sign manual, for raising such 
independent companies, shall be sent to me, it will remain 
for the consideration of his Majesty, whether there will be 
occasion for passing the Militia Bill into a law. If, how- 
ever, his Majesty shall approve of its being passed, I 
would recommend that the continuance shall be for two 
years only. 

If his Majesty shall determine to raise independent com- 
panies, I should wish to receive his commands as soon as 
may be convenient. 

I must inform your Lordship, that should the Militia 
Bill be passed into a law, and be carried into execution by 
raising companies of a hundred private men each, the ex- 
pence of clothing, accoutrements, and pay, provided by the 
Act, exclusive of ammunition, as also of arms, there being 
a sufficient number of militia arms in store, would amount 
for two years to about 850/. for each company ; and the 



charge, therefore, for forty companies, consisting together 
(commission and non-commission officers included) of 
4.520 men, would amount, for the two years, to about 
34,000/. The scheme laid down in the clause for raising 
independent companies, which was introduced into the 
Militia Bill, and, as I have mentioned, rejected, was 
formed for the support of these companies, upon pay 
throughout the year, equal to that of his Majesty's army, 
with a view that they should co-operate and serve jointly 
with the army ; and the expense for pay for a company of 
a hundred men, would, in the two years, amount to 3577/., 
and for forty companies, making 4520 men, to 143,080/., 
exclusive of arms and appointments. But, I apprehend, 
unless there should be a necessity, on account of an 
invasion, by the landing of a considerable body of men, to 
draw out these independent companies from their respec- 
tive counties, to the assistance of the army, there will be 
no occasion to consider them in any other light, than as 
raised for the preservation of the peace in their respective 
counties, against any riots or disorders which might arise 
therein ; and, therefore, that the same provision and pay, 
which have been intended for a Militia, may be sufficient 
for such independent companies as will be wanted ; and I 
should likewise imagine, that the number need not extend 
so far as I have stated ; but, if his Majesty and his Council 
shall disapprove both of a Militia, and raising these inde- 
pendent companies, and thereupon reject both schemes, I 
humbly request, that, as it will be a great disappointment, 
I may be furnished with the reasons and motives for re- 
jecting them, in order that they may be explained ; it being 
the general sense of the House of Commons, and of the 
Lords of the Council, that either a Militia, or independent 
companies, would, in case of invasion, or the apprehension 



of it, be absolutely necessary for the internal security of 
the country. 

In my letter to Lord North, dated the 6th instant, I 
observed to his Lordship, that the British Act of Par- 
liament of the Sth of his present Majesty, c. 13, allows for 
the Irish Establishment 15,235 men in time of peace, not- 
withstanding the Act of the 10th Wm. III. c. 1 ; and I 
submitted it to his Lordship, to consider, whether it will 
not be proper that an Act should be now passed in Great 
Britain, enabling his Majesty to make such addition to his 
Majesty's Establishment of his Forces in Ireland, as his 
Majesty shall judge to be necessary on the present emer- 
gency, or some Resolution of the Houses of Parliament 
in England. I observe, by the Votes of the House of 
Commons in England, of the 23rd of March, 1756, upon a 
message from his Majesty, informing the House of an 
intended invasion by France on Great Britain and Ireland, 
the Commons desired his Majesty to augment his Forces 
in Ireland, if he thought fit. Y/hether this was necessary 
to such augmentation, I submit to your Lordship's con- 
sideration ; and I conceive, that the words I proposed are 
so general, — being to enable his Majesty to make such 
addition to his Forces in Ireland as he shall judge to 
be necessary, — will comprehend any addition by the 
independent companies now proposed, as well as the ex- 
ceeding in his Majesty's regular Forces, over and above 
the number established by the Act of the Sth of his 
present Majesty. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 





Dublin Castle, April 22, 1778. 

My Lord, 

By this morning's tide, a messenger was dispatched from 
hence to Lord Weymouth, with twenty Bills which had 
passed the Council here, of which number, one is for the 
establishment of a Militia in this kingdom. 

As it was a matter of doubt in the House of Commons, 
whether a Militia or Independent Companies would be 
best adapted to the internal service of the country upon 
the present emergency, I mentioned, in Letters to Lord 
Gower and Lord Weymouth which accompanied that 
Bill, that it appeared to me to be the general sense of 
all degrees of people in Ireland, that it is absolutely 
necessary, particularly for the protection of those counties 
from which his Majesty's troops are to be withdrawn, that 
either a Militia or Independent Compauies should be 

In general, the Gentlemen of the House of Commons 
would be satisfied with either the one or the other ; and it 
was proposed to add to the Militia Bill, a clause, to enable 
his Majesty to raise Independent Companies, not with a 
view to establish both, but that his Majesty might have 
the election of either. But this clause was rejected, upon 
a suggestion, that his Majesty might raise Independent 
Companies by his prerogative. The point of right, how- 
ever, was not debated. 

The majority of his Majesty's Privy Council disapproved 
of this Militia Bill, for reasons stated in my said letters, 
but are inclined to the raising Independent Companies. 
Your Lordship will find, in those Letters, that I inclined, 
in my opinion, in favour of Independent Companies, if 



there be no legal objection to their being established by 
his Majesty's authority, upon a supposition, however, that 
the expense may be brought within the same compass as 
that of a Militia. 

As the Speaker of this House of Commons is now in 
London, and is not only an exceeding good judge of the 
propriety or impropriety of these different measures, but 
is thoroughly acquainted with the opinions of the gentle- 
men of the country upon them, it would be of material 
service if your Lordship could spare time to have some 
conversation with him upon this subject. The legality of 
his Majesty's raising Independent Companies is the first 
point; and if any doubt arises upon that head, I should 
wish that, by your Lordship's desire, Mr. Pary may confer 
with his Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor- General in Lon- 
don upon it. If that difficulty be removed, Mr. Pery will 
give his opinion, whether the expense of Independent 
Companies may not be confined to the same allowances 
proposed in the Bill for a Militia, and he will also say, 
whether any further difficulties occur to him. 

I would submit it, and it is the principal ground of this 
application to your Lordship, whether it will not be ad- 
visable, in all events, to pass the Militia Bill, in order, 
that if such difficulties should arise, though not now fore- 
seen, as may stop the raising of Independent Companies, 
his Majesty's Government here may be enabled to form 
some body of Militia in those parts where, as it is under- 
stood, it is absolutely necessary; and, in that case, the 
best care that can be must be taken, to raise them in such 
a manner as will best avoid those objections upon which 
some of the Lords of his Majesty's Privy Council declined 
giving their assent to the Bill. 

As this is a matter of the greatest consequence at this 
time, I am particularly anxious, that your Lordship should 



see Mr. Pery upon it, before he leaves London, which 
I have just learnt he proposes to do, upon the 26th 
instant. I have the honour to be, &c. 


The official letters that immediately follow, pre- 
sent a singular state of things, detrimental to Ire- 
land, disgraceful to England, and confirming the 
statements and complaints made by Mr. Grattan 
and the popular party in the House of Commons ; 
over and over again, but in vain, they had 
expostulated with the Minister, and implored his 
attention to the declining state of Ireland, her 
fisheries, her trade and her manufactures ; yet 
Lord North had denied the correctness of the 
charges, and had remained inexorable. But after 
this long lapse of time, the evidence comes to 
light, which discovers at once the falsehood, the 
hypocrisy, and the culpable indifference of this 
Minister, and proves him deaf to every sense of 
justice, and careless of any regard to truth ; for it 
was about this period, that in his place in Par- 
liament he declared, that "every thing teas a scene 
of festivity in Ireland" The answer to this hu- 
morous sally will appear in the following com- 
munications, in one of which the Lord Lieutenant 
informs him, that the trade of Ireland had de- 
clined ; that the manufacture of linen (the only 
one left) could not meet with any sale ; and that 
the chief branches of trade, by which the civil 

x 2 


and military officers of Government were sup- 
ported, had not only decayed, but their future 
welfare was endangered. In a subsequent letter 
he alludes to the discontent of the people ; and, 
in order to preserve the peace of Ireland, he re- 
sorts to the old system of all bad governments, 
— the reckoning up the number of troops he could 
bring into the field ; and finding them not only 
inadequate but expensive, he suggests that the 
Militia should be called out, or that Independent 
Companies should be formed — the' less expensive 
of the two; — but as for these some funds were 
absolutely necessary, he casts his eyes very natu- 
rally to his treasury, and on enquiry there, he 
writes, on the 30th of April, that " it was in a 
miserable state" — so much so, that he is compelled 
to resort to a most humiliating measure, and 
actually to borrow 20,000/. from a private house. 
The bank of Messrs. La Touche not only up- 
held the shattered credit of Government, but pre- 
vented the dissolution of the State! Who could 
have believed, if the letters of the Viceroy had 
not proved it, that the king of Great Britain, 
like a poor debtor, or an idle spendthrift, would 
have been obliged to apply at a private gentle- 
man's house, and ask for a loan of money, in order 
that he might be enabled to carry on the sem- 
blance of Government, and keep up the insolent 
mockery of these " desperate political gamblers," 
as Mr. Flood called them, who first squandered the 




revenues of the State, and then left her defence- 
less ; and this, as afterwards appeared, not with a 
view to remedy abuses, but to confirm them ; not 
to extend the trade of Ireland, but to uphold the 
principle of the embargo ; not to procure markets 
for her manufacture, but to discourage the con- 
sumption of all native manufactures, and get her 
people not to wear Irish clothing at the very time 
when Irish artisans were starving by thousands ! 
Will after-ages credit these astounding facts ? and 
would not the assertion be denied, if the irrefraga- 
ble evidence of these letters did not bring home 
the proof of "high crimes and misdemeanors," 
and justify Ireland in recording, as she must, the 
solemn verdict of guilty ? It is in vain that kings 
or ministers strive to conceal their offences or 
their crimes, and think they can efface every 
mark of mischief and every vestige of iniquity; 
though buried for ages, like the blood of the mur- 
dered man, they will yet arise, and call to Heaven 
for justice, if not for vengeance. 

In the letter of the 16th of May, the Lord 
Lieutenant discloses the progress of the Bank- 
ruptcy, and its necessary consequences, namely, 
that he was obliged to stop payment ; accordingly, 
he suspended all salaries, all pensions, all civil — 
all military — all parliamentary grants ; all clothing 
arrears, and all ordinary payments ; and, in ad- 
dition, those in the Barrack and in the Ordnance 



department, which were held by contract, and 
used to be punctually paid. He states that he 
was obliged to resort to these "extraordinary 
measures" to enable him to encamp the army. 
He sends Mr. Clements, (who was at the head of 
the Treasury,) express to Lord North, to London, 
to procure assistance, and is again obliged to go 
to Messrs. La Touche to beg another 20,000/. 
The bankers, not without surprise that his Ma- 
jesty, George the Third, should be so ill provided,* 
learning that he had no money left in Ireland, and 
could not afford to send any from England, very 
prudently, and like sensible men of business, 
" returned for answer, that it was not in their power, 
though very much in their inclination;''' that 
they could not lend a second 20,000/. ; and thus 

* That some money was then due to Ireland, and should in this time 
of need have been forthcoming, will appear from the following circum- 
stance : — The regiments on the Irish establishment were paid in Irish 
money ; when sent abroad they received English money ; the difference 
of currency, which amounted to 5000/. a-year, was charged against Ire- 
land, and, not being perceived, was permitted to run on "for a long series 
of years." At length it was discovered by Mr. Barry, a member of the 
Irish Parliament, and he stated the circumstance to Lord Barrington, 
the Secretary at War in England, but in so compliant and tame a man- 
ner, that he merely said he did not desire any retrospect, but only 
hoped that the expense would in future be removed. What was done 
in the matter does not appear; but if these sums, accumulating for a 
long series of years, had been refunded, as in justice they should, the 
Viceroy need not have gone to Messrs. La Touche to borrow money 
Junius very justly says, " The people of Ireland have been uniformly 
plundered and oppressed." See Lord Buckingham's Letter to Lord 
North, 11th June, 1777. 



the King, the Viceroy, and the country, were left 
to extricate themselves out of this dilemma as 
well as they could. 

The immediate consequence was, that the 
march of the troops was stopped, and the en- 
campment did not take place. The people, how- 
ever, did not remain passive spectators of national 
ruin and disgrace ; they had recourse to the 
advice of their Parliamentary supporters, and, 
under their guidance, they took up a position, on 
the side of their country, from which (as will 
shortly appear) they could neither be seduced, or 
driven, or terrified. 

Such is the sketch exhibited in the official 
papers here inserted. Could it then be won- 
dered, that the Irish people were dissatisfied, 
when they found that the government of centuries 
had produced nothing but disgrace, beggary, 
royal neglect and ministerial obstinacy, insult and 
injustice? Could Lord North have mentioned any 
country, in ancient or modern history, worse 
governed, or have pointed out a worse minister 
than himself? Justly then did Mr, Grattan re- 
mark, that to save America was, to Lord North, 
impossible ; he might have added, how possible it 
was for him to lose Ireland. What an excellent 
lesson this history will be to future governors ! — 
and let them, for a moment, hear what a description 
the poet Spenser gives of this nation, which 

312 spenser's description of [chap. xiv. 

they were in duty and interest bound to preserve 
to the crown of the realm. He says, — 

" And sure it is yet a most beautiful and sweet 
country as any is under heaven, being stored 
throughout with many goodly rivers, replenished 
with all sorts of fish, most abundantly sprinkled 
with many very sweet islands and goodly lakes, 
like little inland seas that will carry even ships upon 
their waters ; adorned with goodly woods, even fit 
for building of houses and ships, so commodiously, 
as that if some princes in the world had them, they 
would soon hope to be lords of all the seas, and ere 
long of all the world : also full of very good ports 
and havens opening upon England, as inviting us to 
come unto them, to see what excellent commodities that 
country can afford; besides, the soil itself most 
fertile, fit to yield all kind of fruit that shall be 
committed thereunto. And lastly, the heavens 
most mild and temperate, though somewhat more 
moist than the parts towards the west." 

Spenser makes a further remark which (though 
in a quaint poetic strain) is not inappropriate in the 
present, anymore than in past times. He writes : — 
" It is the fatal destiny of that land, that no 
purposes whatsoever which are most for her good, 
will prosper or take effect : whether it proceed from 
the very genius of her soil, or influence of the stars, 
or that Almighty God hath not yet appointed the 
time of her reformation, or that he reserveth her 




in this unquiet state still, for some secret scourge, 
which shall by her come unto England, it is hard 
to be known, yet much to be feared." 

The question here put by the poet, and at this 
time to be considered by Ireland, is, what was for 
the country's good? — and in general the people 
are the best judges of what best suits them ; at 
least the subsequent events will go far to establish 
this political problem. 


Dublin Castle, April 22, 1778. 

My Lord, 

By the 3rd section of the British Act of Parliament, of the 
15th of his present Majesty, chap. 31, intituled, " An Act 
for the Encouragement of the Fisheries carried on from 
Great Britain, Ireland, and the British dominions in 
Europe; and for securing the return of the fishermen, 
sailors, and others employed in the said fisheries, to the 
Ports thereof, at the end of the fishing season such 
vessels employed in carrying on the whale fishery, on the 
coasts of Newfoundland, and the seas adjacent, as shall 
appear to be British built, and owned by his Majesty's 
subjects residing in Ireland, and which shall be fitted and 
cleared out from some Port in Ireland, are equally entitled 
to, and put upon- the same footing, with respect to the 
bounties allowed by that Act, with such vessels as shall be 
fitted out from Great Britain, Guernsey, Jersey, and the 
Isle of Man, for carrying on those fisheries. And by the 
21st section of the same Act, the like bounties, which are 
granted by the British Act of the Uth of his present 
Majesty, intituled, "An Act for the better support and 
establishment of the Greenland and Whale Fishery, to 



ships fitted out from Great Britain, or any of his Majesty's 
dominions in America, for those fisheries, are granted to 
ships fitted out for that purpose from the kingdom of Ire- 
land, every ship or vessel being British built, and owned 
by his Majesty's subjects of Ireland. 

The Parliament of this kingdom, in their Addresses to 
his Majesty, in October, 1775, testified the sense of the 
advantages which must arise to the navigation and trade 
of Ireland by this Act, which extends the great benefits 
of British Fisheries to Ireland, and which has been the 
source of wealth and industry to other nations. But I am 
sorry to acquaint your Lordship, that, according to repre- 
sentations which have been made to me, from persons of 
knowledge and authority residing here, the benefits held 
out by the former part of the Act to this kingdom, are in 
a great measure defeated by a proviso in the 30th section 
thereof, by which it is enacted, that no bounty shall be 
allowed or paid for any ship or vessel so employed, either 
by virtue of this, or any former Act of Parliament, unless 
the whole and entire property of such ship or vessel shall 
belong to some of his Majesty's subjects residing in that 
part of his Majesty's dominions from which such ship or 
vessel shall be respectively fitted and cleared out ; and 
which restraining proviso is repealed in an Act of the 16th 
of his present Majesty, chap. 47, intituled, "An Act for the 
further encouragement of the Whale Fishery, carried on 
from Great Britain and Ireland, and the British dominions 
in Europe, and for regulating the fees to be taken by the 
Officers of the Customs in the island of Newfoundland." 
For the gentlemen of this country allege, that almost the 
whole of the Irish trade being carried on with British 
money and in British ships, the only means by which Ire- 
land could have shared in these bounties, must have been 
by being concerned in joint adventures with the people of 



Great Britain. The ships must be British, and the owners 
advance part of the money for defraying the expences of 
fitting out : but, by these provisos, there can be no co- 
partnery between the subjects of the two kingdoms; at 
least, no bounty can be claimed by either in such circum- 
stances, nor can the inhabitants of Guernsey, Jersey, or 
the Isle of Man, be joined in partnership with the natives 
of Great Britain, or with any other than the inhabitants of 
their respective islands. 

It is very probable that this proviso was inserted to pre- 
vent the rebellious colonies in America from having shares 
in these bounties; and if that was the intention, it is 
apprehended this object might be obtained, so as to ex- 
clude the American colonies only, by making it run thus, 
viz. "That no bounty shall be allowed or paid for any ship 
or vessel so employed, by virtue of either of the said Acts, 
or by any former Act of Parliament, unless the whole or 
entire property of such ship or vessel shall belong to some 
of his Majesty's subjects residing in Great Britain, Ireland, 
Guernsey, Jersey, or the Isle of Man." 

I have also been requested to lay before your Lordship 
another matter, which it is alleged, would be of very great 
advantage to the trade of this kingdom, if approved of by 
your Lordship, as consistent with the trade and welfare of 
England, and might be inserted in the Act for making the 
amendment above proposed ; — which is this: The House of 
Commons of this kingdom, in the last session of the last 
Parliament, voted resolutions for passing an Act for the ex- 
tension of the Whale Fishery of Ireland, to any of the seas 
to the southward of the limits of those seas in which the 
whale fishery is encouraged by an Act passed in Great 
Britain, in the 11th year of His present Majesty's reign, 
intituled, " An Act for the better support and establish- 



ment of the Greenland Whale Fisheries, from the 1st of 
August, 1776, to the 1st August, 1779." 

And I understand it is proposed to bring in heads of a 
Bill this session, to pass here into a law for that purpose, 
and for granting a bounty of forty shillings per ton, to the 
masters or owners of such British or Irish ships as shall 
be fitted out from any port in this kingdom, and proceed 
upon such whale fisheries, on their landing in this king- 
dom all such whale-fins, oil, or blubber of whales, seal oil, 
seal-skins, or other produce of seals, or other fish or crea- 
ture, as shall be caught by the crews of such ships on such 
seas. But as the ships to be employed upon this fishery 
must have occasion to go into the ports of Africa, it is sub- 
mitted whether a clause allowing the exportation from 
Ireland to the coast of Africa of any provisions, and also of 
any hook-lines, netting, or other tools or implements neces- 
sary for, and used in the fishery by the crews of the ships 
or vessels carrying on the same, and the craft belonging to, 
and employed by such ships or vessels in the said fishery, 
being the same articles as are allowed to be exported from 
Ireland to Newfoundland by the 5th and 6th sections of 
the before-mentioned Act of the 15th of His r present Ma- 
jesty, might not be very proper to be inserted. 

And in order to obviate all doubts whether Irish ships, 
or ships owned or employed by His Majesty's subjects re- 
siding in Ireland, are to be considered as British, I would 
further submit it to your Lordship whether it might not be 
declared in the same Act, that all such ships are to be en- 
titled to the same privileges with ships belonging to His 
Majesty's subjects of Great Britain, as if the same were 
British built. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 





Dublin Castle, 26th April, 1778. 

My Lord, 

I have the honour of enclosing herewith to vour Lordship 
an address, with three papers annexed, which were delivered 
to me on Monday last, by a deputation from the Trustees 
of the Linen Manufacture in this kingdom. It represents 
the present distressed state of the staple manufactures of 
this kingdom under their care, and that there had never 
been at this season of the year, near the quantity of linens as 
are at present in the Linen Hall for sale, w ithout any appa- 
rent demand, although the prices are much reduced, and 
expresses their apprehensions for the future welfare of that 
very important manufacture, by which the inhabitants of 
this kingdom have been, as they represent, hitherto prin- 
cipally enabled to support the several branches of His 
Majesty's Government, both civil and military. 

The principal points which they express their wishes to 
obtain, are as follows ; viz. a continuation of the bounties 
on the exportation of linens from Great Britain, as well in 
favour of the natives of Ireland as of Great Britain, and 
that the same be extended to British and Irish linens, 
when printed, painted, stained, or dyed. A favourable 
construction of the words foreign parts in the 1 1th and 12th 
of Queen Anne, which they presume were never intended 
to include Ireland. And that the liberty of exportation of 
Iiish linens to the West Indies, Sec. by the 3d and 4th of 
Queen Anne, be extended to checquered, striped, stained, 
printed, painted, or dyed linens of the manufacture of Ireland, 
or that some other adequate encouragement may be ex- 
tended to the manufacture of checquered, striped, stained, 
painted, printed, and dyed linens of this kingdom. I need 




not inform your Lordship the Board of Trustees of the 
Linen Manufacture consists of persons of the first [rank 
and consequence in this kingdom, who are confident from 
the many proofs your Lordship has already given of your 
attention to its welfare, that their application on behalf of 
this most important branch of the trade and commerce of 
Ireland will find all the support your Lordship can pos- 
sibly give it, and I must beg leave to add my recommen- 
dation of it to your Lordship's protection. 

I have the honour to be, 8cc. 



Dublin Castle, April 29, 1778. 

My Lord, 

In consequence of the very interesting information which 
Lord Weymouth signified to me, by His Majesty's com- 
mand, in his Lordship's letters of the 18th, I have applied 
my whole attention in taking such provisional steps as 
I have judged to be immediately necessary for the safety 
and tranquillity of Ireland ; and having this day transmitted 
to Lord Weymouth several papers containing the states of 
His Majesty's Forces, as now upon the military establish- 
ment of this kingdom, of the artillery, and of the augmen- 
tation proposed to be made to them, together with an esti- 
mate of the extraordinary expense, which must necessarily 
be incurred upon this occasion, I inclose herewith, for 
your Lordship's information, copies of the papers. 

Your Lordship will observe by the Paper No. 1, that, 
including ten companies of invalids, the established numbers 

in Ireland is 9882 

And serving abroad , , 3039 

In all 12921 



And by the Paper No. 2, that, by an addition of two 
regiments expected from North Britain, and an augmenta- 
tion proposed to be made to the nine regiments of infantry 
now in Ireland, the above number will be encreased to 
14,728 men in Ireland, and to 17,727 upon the establish- 
ment. Some addition will also be made by more invalid 
companies, but the number cannot be yet ascertained. 

The British Act of Parliament of the 8th of his present 
Majesty, c. 13, allows for the Irish establishment 15,235 
men in time of peace, notwithstanding the act of the 10th 
William III. c. 1. But your Lordship will be pleased to 
consider, whether it will not be proper, that an Act should 
now be passed in Great Britain, enabling His Majesty to 
make such additions to His Majesty's establishment of his 
forces in Ireland, as His Majesty shall judge to be neces- 
sary on the present emergency, or some resolution of the 
Houses of Parliament in England. I observe by the votes 
of the House of Commons in England, of the 23rd of 
March, 1756, upon a message from His Majesty, informing 
that House of an intended invasion by France on Great 
Britain and Ireland, the Commons desired His Majesty to 
augment his forces in Ireland if he thought fit: whether 
this was necessary to such augmentation I submit to your 
Lordship's consideration. 

I should have wished to have enlarged the number of 
forces to serve in Ireland, but your Lordship will see by 
the Paper No. 4, that the estimate of what is already pro- 
posed, exclusive of many contingent charges, which cannot 
be particularized, amounts to upwards of two hundred and 
ninety-eight thousand pounds ; and though I have found 
an unanimous desire to contribute in the most liberal 
manner upon this occasion, it is agreed on all hands, that 
to raise a larger sum than three hundred thousand pounds 
is not practicable. The subscriptions to the loan of 1 66,0001 



granted this session for payment of the arrears on His 
Majesty's establishments, amount to very little more than 
one-half of the sum granted ; and those who have de- 
mands of any considerable amount, are obliged to receive 
in payment the debenture issued for the loan, and sell them 
at a discount of near three per cent. 

For the above reasons, it was thought to be most advisa- 
ble that the three hundred thousand pounds now to be 
advanced should be raised by one or more tontines, upon 
the same terms as were given upon our last tontine of 1776. 
It is hoped the money will be raised : but it was the 
general opinion, that if a larger sum should be required, it 
would not succeed, and that it would throw a difficulty 
upon the whole. The sum therefore applied for was only 
300,000Z, which was cheerfully granted; and as I have 
complied with the advice of the servants of the crown to 
have but one tontine, I hope it will be all subscribed. 

There are at present before the Privy Council heads of 
a Bill for a new Militia Act, the old Act being expired. 
The scheme is, that after the arrays shall be taken, such 
numbers as Government shall think proper in each county, 
shall be formed into independent companies, to continue 
until Midsummer, 1782, and to the end of the then next 
Session of Parliament. This is a very popular and fa- 
vourite plan, and it is thought may be particularly useful 
in preserving the internal quiet of this kingdom, in parts 
from whence it may be necessary to withdraw the army. 

This Bill leaves it to Government to decide what number 
of militia shall be raised in each county, there not being 
less than a hundred, nor more than five hundred men, in 
any county, except in Dublin, Cork, or Limerick. I do 
not yet know to what number it is wished the militia 
should in the whole extend ; but supposing it to be 6,000, 
it is computed that the expense for certain proportions of 



clothing and pay, will for two years amount to twenty-seven 
thousand pounds. 

I should think myself very much wanting in the return 
due to the House of Commons, if I did not represent that 
upon this occasion there has been a spirit and zeal for the 
support of His Majesty's Government, and for the public 
service, which could not be testified in a manner more 
honourable to themselves or moie satisfactory to His 

I have the honour to be, Sec. 



Dublin Castle, Apiil 30, 1/78. 

My Lord, 

It is with great concern that I am reduced to the necessity 
of laying before your Lordship the miserable state of His 
Majesty's Treasury here. 

No subscriptions have been received on account of the 
loan for some time past, and those who have subscribed, 
and have occasion to raise money, can get no more than 
90/. for each subscription of 100/. and as yet the subscrip- 
tions to the new tontine do not amount to more than 
10,000/.; the first payment thereof being 10 per cent., 
has produced but 1,000/. 

I have been therefore obliged, in order to provide for the 
several military services now going forward in this king- 
dom, not only to stop all payments at the Treasury, that 
can be postponed, but to cause the sum of 20,000/. to be 
taken up at interest, from Messrs. La Touche, the principal 
bankers here. That sum is entirely exhausted, and there 
being a general distress for money throughout all ranks in 
the city, no balance in the Treasury, and scarcely any in 




[chap. XIV. 

the hands of the several collectors, and the receipt of His 
Majesty's revenue having fallen lower than has been known 
for many years, there neither is, nor can I expect there 
will be, a fund, arising, or that can be created, in this 
kingdom, to answer those large demands which, if not 
discharged, will put a stop to our military operations. 

I have received an alarm that the Tontine scheme, which 
we expected would quickly fill in London, is not likely to 
be so successful as we imagined ; nor, if it should succeed, 
will the payments upon it become due so speedily as our 
wants require. 

I shall this day direct Mr. Heron to write to Messrs. 
Brown and Collinson, desiring them to attend your Lord- 
ship and inform you what subscriptions they have received, 
what prospects they have of further subscriptions, and to 
what amount they can make an immediate remittance; — 
because, if we cannot have an immediate supply from them 
of 50,000/. at least, we have no resource but in your Lord- 
ship, that, upon the credit of the tontine, the sum of 50,000/. 
or, if possible, 100,000/. may be raised, and forthwith re- 
mitted to His Majesty's Deputy Vice-Treasurer here. If 
the money can be had, probably a large part of it might be 
remitted by bills; but, if there should be difficulty in that 
respect, the cash must be brought over in specie, in like 
manner as was done when the gold was exchanged. 

Your Lordship may be assured I would not make this 
extraordinary application to you, if I could see any possibi- 
lity of proceeding without it. 

But it is most evident that if a supply — and that consi- 
derable, as I have stated— is not sent to us without loss 
of time, these preparations, so absolutely necessary for the 
defence of the kingdom, must be obstructed in such a 
manner, that it cannot be said how fatal the consequences 
may be. 




And I hope their necessity will excuse my proposing a 
measure, which may be attended with difficulty and incon- 

I have the honour to be, &c. 



Dublin Castle, May J, 1778. 

My Lord, 

The Speaker of this House of Commons, fearing that some 
delay might prevent his appearing at the House next 
Monday, could not venture to remain in London to attend 
your Lordship, as I had desired, and returned here on 
Wednesday last. 

He has recommended it in the strongest manner that the 
Militia Bill may be passed and returned to us, having 
apprehensions that however incontestible the power of the 
crown may be, there may be difficulties with respect to the 
raising of independent companies. He has also recom- 
mended, if it should appear to be necessary, a clause to be 
inserted in the bill, relative to the granting militia commis- 
sions to Presbyterians ; but having written at large to Lord 
Govver and Lord Weymouth, upon these matters proposed 
by the Speaker, my referring your Lordship to those letters 
may save trouble. I have, therefore, only to acquaint your 
Lordship that, for the reasons mentioned to you in my 
letter of the 22d past, as well as those now suggested by 
the Speaker, I am very earnest the bills shall be returned, 
with the alterations proposed by the Speaker. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 





Dublin Castle May 16, 1778. 

My Lokd, 

In my letter to your Lordship of the 31st past, I informed 
your Lordship of the very distressed state of His Majesty's 
Treasury here ; the certainty that no more can be raised on 
account of the loan of 166,000/., and our great disappoint- 
ment in respect to the tontine. And I also mentioned that 
His Majesty's revenue had fallen so considerably, that I 
saw no ground to expect a fund could be created in this 
kingdom for those very large demands, which, if not pro- 
vided for immediately, must put a stop to our military 
operations. I have since not only continued the suspension 
of all salaries and pensions, civil and military, Parliamen- 
tary grants, clothing, arrears, &c. of all other ordinary pay- 
ments, but have been obliged to hold back those upon 
contract in the Barrack and Ordnance department, which 
used to be punctually discharged. By these extraordinary 
means, I have been hitherto enabled to order the necessary 
advances for such things as were thought requisite to be 
immediately provided, preparatory to the encampment. 
The great demands of the Ordnance upon the movement of 
the artillery and stores, are now come in ; and, upon a view 
of the whole, I am doubtful whether it will be prudent to 
suffer the troops to take the field, until there shall be some 
fund in the Treasury for that purpose. 

In my last letter to Lord Weymouth, I acquainted him, 
for His Majesty's information, that I proposed to encamp 
the infantry the second week in June, and the cavalry the 
second week in July ; the latter earlier, if His Majesty 
should think proper to direct it. I then flattered myself 
we should receive some immediate assistance, either upon 
subscriptions to the tontine, or by a loan formed upon it, 



as proposed in my letter to your Lordship. Not receiving 
any intimation to encourage that latter expectation, and 
subscriptions failing, almost totally, I am alarmed to the 
greatest degree. In this dilemma, I should naturally have 
recourse to the House of Commons to offer terms more 
advantageous to subscribers, which would have been pro- 
posed at first, if the eagerness of subscribers upon the 
tontine of last Session of Parliament had not induced 
gentlemen to believe that the terms now proposed, which 
are more advantageous to the subscribers in some parti- 
culars than those of the last Session, would be immediately 
accepted ; and now that those expectations are vanished, 
the House of Commons have nothing before them to show 
what additional rate of annuity would procure the money. 

And therefore they could not by any resolution offer 
such an interest as would ensure it, without endangering 
their offering higher terms than may be necessary. Upon 
these considerations, I am advised, and concur in the 
opinion, that the most ready and secure method to transact 
this business is to send a proper person to London ; and 
Mr. Clements being at the head of the Treasury, has 
offered himself to undertake the office. 

He will attend your Lordship immediately upon his 
arrival in London, and your Lordship will be pleased to 
inform him what steps have been taken, and with what 
effect, in consequence of my letter to your Lordship upon 
this important subject, and I must make it my earnest 
request that your Lordship will not only give him your best 
advice, but the fullest assistance in your power, to relieve 
this kingdom from its present very great distress. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 





Dublin Castle, May 16, 1778. 

My Lord, 

In my letter to your Lordship of the 14th inst, I acquainted 
you, for his Majesty's information, that I proposed to efr- 
camp the infantry the second week in June, and the 
cavalry the second week in July, the latter earlier, if his 
Majesty should think proper to direct it. 

I then flattered myself we should receive some imme- 
diate assistance, either by subscriptions to the tontine, or 
by a loan in London, which I had proposed to be formed 
upon it. Not finding my expectations likely to be answered, 
and it being necessary that the terms proposed by the 
Parliament, which they thought amply sufficient for the 
purpose, should be enlarged ; yet not knowing to what 
extent it is necessary to enlarge them, as the money can- 
not be had in this kingdom ; I am obliged to send Mr. 
Clements, the Deputy Vice Treasurer, who will deliver this 
letter to your Lordship, to London with a letter from me to 
Lord North, desiring his Lordship's assistance, and with 
directions to procure and transmit to me the fullest infor- 
mation of the mode and terms upon which the money 
can be raised, in order to be laid before the House of 

In the mean time I am sorry to acquaint your Lordship 
I entertain some doubt whether it will be prudent to en- 
camp the forces until we can have some security of a better 
supply than can arise here. 

I have, &c. 





Express. Dublin Castkj 17 th May, 1778. 

My Lord, 

When I wrote yesterday to your Lordship by Mr. Clements, 
I mentioned my apprehension that the encampment of the 
troops cannot take place so early as I had proposed. I have 
since found further disappointments in respect to money ; 
the bankers to whom I had made application for a further 
loan of 20,000/., having this morning returned an answer, 
that the distresses of the public with regard to money are 
so uncommonly great, that it is not in their power, though 
very much in their inclination, to give that assistance to 
Government that they would do at another time. I am 
therefore reduced to the necessity of stopping the move- 
ment of the troops, until further order. 

I shall wait with very anxious expectation for the event 
of Mr. Clements's negociation, and your Lordship will 
understand that proceedings of every sort depend upon it, 
the sources within this kingdom being most evidently in- 
sufficient ; so that unless a supply can be obtained from 
England, it will be absolutely impossible to carry forward 
those preparations which are absolutely necessary for the 
defence of Ireland in case of any attack. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 




Concession to the Catholics. — Interesting debates on the Bill. — 
Claims of the Presbyterians. — Mr. Pery's exertions against the 
Embargo. — Remonstrance on the Embargo, by the chief Merchants 
of Ireland. — Treatment of Ireland in the English Parliament.— 
Paucity of relief afforded her. — Nations the best judges of their 
rights. — Matters approach a Crisis. — Danger of Invasion. — The 
Volunteers formed. — Fears of the Government. — Representations 
of the Lord Lieutenant on the subject. — Causes of the distresses. — 
Rise of Rents and Absenteeism. — Failure of Credit. — Alarm of In- 
vasion. — Clanricarde Volunteers. — Alarm of Government. — Dis- 
couragement of the Volunteers. — Temporising policy of Government. 

An enumeration of the laws that at this time 
oppressed the Roman Catholics would be tedious 
and uninteresting ; suffice it to say, that they were 
in every essential point debarred from the rights 
and privileges of men and of subjects. The 
enjoyment of property, the free exercise of their 
religion, the attainment of office, and the benefits 
of education, were in every respect denied them ; 
they were, in fact, reduced to a state in which they 
were mere hewers of wood and drawers of water. 
The extent of their degradation may be judged of 
from this circumstance, that for nearly 100 years 



they submitted to exclusion from the legislature, 
though it was not enacted by any Irish statute, 
but grounded simply on a Resolution of the House 
of Commons which was not law, and afterwards 
on an English Act of Parliament which was 
usurpation, and of no other force in Ireland than 
that derived from voluntary acquiescence. 

They were now, at length, beginning to emerge 
from this abject state ; and the relief afforded to 
them at this period will appear from the following 
despatch of the government : — the account of the 
presbyterian clause, by which it was sought to 
throw out the Bill, will show the spirit of the 
times, and the difficulties to be encountered. 


Dublin Castle, 20th June, 1778. 

My Lord, 

This day the heads of the Bill for the Relief of his 
Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects of this kingdom, and 
for other purposes therein mentioned, passed the House of 
Commons, having been considerably varied from the heads 
of the Bill originally introduced. 

A general inclination had been expressed to give relief 
to the Roman Catholics; but a variety of opinions, both 
as to the mode, and as to the extent, occasioned debates in 
the Committee no less than three days, until very late each 
day. The first proposition was calculated to allow the 
Roman Catholics to purchase estates of inheritance, and 
that such estates, and also those now in their possession, 
should descend without gavelling, being their great object, 
and that they should be enabled to dispose of the same by 



will, or otherwise, for ever. This point was the subject 
of the first day's debate, which, having continued until 
past one o'clock after midnight, and it having been pro- 
posed, as a compromise, that in lieu of an inheritance, 
Papists should be allowed to take leases for 999 years,- — it 
was determined in the committee, in favour of the amend- 
ment, by a majority of three, the numbers being 111 to 
108. This majority encouraged the opposers to the Bill 
to expect the like success in such other alterations as they 
should judge proper, and wishing therefore to proceed, it 
was by a majority of three only that an adjournment was 
carried. At their next meeting, on Thursday last, it was 
agreed, that the estates now in the possession of Papists 
should descend without gavel. 

The opposers to the Bill then moved, with respect to 
the power which had been given to Papists of taking 
leases for 999 years, that each lease should be subject to a 
rent of one-third of the real value ; afterwards to other 
propositions of value ; which were rejected ; and it was 
settled, that a rent in money should be reserved, but no 
proportion being specified, the rent may be sixpence or 

The other proposition was to confine these leases to 
demises in possession, not in reversion, to prevent the 
Roman Catholics from becoming possessed of estates 
which had any freeholders upon them. This was also 
rejected, and the debates upon these two points having 
lasted till near three o'clock in the morning, the House 
adjourned. At three o'clock yesterday the committee 
proceeded, and after many hours' debate, agreed to a 
repeal of that part of the 2nd of Queen Anne, enabling 
the son and heir of a Popish parent, by conforming to the 
Church of Ireland, to render his father tenant for life, 
vesting in himself a reversion in fee. 




On Monday last, a motion was made for liberty for this 
committee to receive a clause for the relief of the Pro- 
testant Dissenters, with a view to a repeal of the Test 
Act ; and though it was resolved to oppose the liberty to 
receive this clause, yet it was so strongly urged by many, 
even by some of the servants of the Crown, that the 
refusing to take that clause into consideration, along with 
the relaxations intended in favour of the other body of the 
people, would be deemed by the Presbyterians as a high 
aggravation of their grievance, that the motion was suf- 
fered to pass; and by what has since appeared, it would 
not have been in the power of Government to have pre- 
vented it being introduced. 

This clause being last to be considered, was not proposed 
until near two o'clock this morning. Numbers of the 
friends of Government were inclined to favour the Pres- 
byterians upon this occasion ; others stood connected with 
them in such a manner, that they could not oppose them 
without manifest injury to their particular interests ; and 
Lord Shannon, Lord Ely, and the whole body of those 
who opposed the parts of the Bill in favour of the Roman 
Catholics, were strenuous for passing the clause, as a clog 
upon the whole of the Bill. 

It was, therefore, apparent, that it would be impossible 
to reject it; however, a trial was made, by proposing an 
adjournment, and though it was then past two o'clock in 
the morning, that motion was rejected by a majority of 
twenty-nine. The impropriety of forcing this clause into 
the Bill, and thereby endangering the whole, was fully 
argued ; and upon that ground it was strongly pressed, 
that the clause should not be received ; but that, if de- 
sired, a separate Bill should be prepared, and take its fate 
distinct from the case of the Roman Catholics : but the 
committee finding the number in favour of the clause con- 




siderably greater than that by which the motion for an 
adjournment had been rejected, insisted upon the ques- 
tion, and carried it by so large a majority, that it was not 
thought advisable to tell the numbers. 

The Bill was reported this day, and will be brought up 
to me on Monday next. This clause was urged by all the 
opposers of the Bill, from a belief that the not suffering it 
to remain would be such a disappointment to the Pres- 
byterians themselves, who have been made to expect it, 
and have such an effect upon the members connected with 
them, that by a junction between those members, and the 
opposers of the rest of the Bill, the expunging of that 
clause will, upon the return of the remainder of the Bill, 
occasion its being rejected ; and that if the clause should 
remain, the whole Bill would, upon that account, be 
rejected in the House of Lords. 

I am, &c. 


the lord lieutenant to lord weymouth. 

Dublin Castle, June 25, 1 778. 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship will receive by this messenger the Bill for 
the Belief of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects of 
this kingdom, and for other purposes, which was sealed 
this day in council. 

The great consequence of this Bill induces me to dis- 
patch it, without waiting for any other to accompany it, in 
order that it may be the more speedily taken into consider- 
ation by his Majesty and his Privy Council, and that 
there may be time for transmitting any further informa- 
tion relative thereto, which his Majesty may require. I 
have only to add, that this Bill did not pass the Council 




without opposition. Some Lords of great weight and 
consequence objected to the whole of the Bill, and others 
to the clause in favour of the Presbyterians only ; but they 
were not so numerous either in the one or in the other 
opinion as to divide, or put a question upon either point. 
I must, however, give it as my opinion, that a much greater 
number would have appeared against the Presbyterian 
clause, if they had not conceived that it might be more 
properly rejected in England than on this side. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 


the lord lieutenant to lord weymouth. 

Dublin Castle, August 10, 1778. 

My Lord, 

The Act for the Relief of his Majesty's Subjects of this 
kingdom, professing the Popish religion, which, after a 
very long debate, passed the House of Commons on the 
4th instant, by 127 to 89, was this day taken into con- 
sideration in the House of Lords, where it was also 
debated for many hours upon the question for commit- 
ment, which was carried by a majority of 44 to 28. 

This great point being determined, and the Bill for the 
Advancement of the Trade of this Kingdom having been 
read a second time to-day, in the House of Commons, 
scarcely any business remains for either House, and T 
therefore hope to be able to prorogue the Parliament in 
the course of this week. 

I have, &c. 


Mr. Pery, who was ever vigilant in the cause of 
his country, and whose speeches from the chair 



[chap. XV 

were so patriotic and so creditable to him, now 
interposed most actively in her behalf. His private 
remonstrances, though hitherto disregarded, at 
length appeared likely to be successful ; and he 
addressed a letter to the Secretary, Sir Richard 
Heron, on the subject of her trade, and on the em- 
bargo which had so much injured it, with a view to 
procure a relaxation of that severe and oppressive 
measure. His injunction to secresy, shows how 
great lie considered these wrongs to be, when he 
dreaded even their disclosure. The communica- 
tion was forwarded to England bv the Irish Secre- 
tary, to be submitted to the King, and was con- 
sidered as fairly representing the distress of the 
country. His efforts, however, as will be seen 
hereafter, proved unavailing; and this was one of 
the main causes that induced him to procure the 
arming of the volunteers. 


Dublin Castle, September 5, 1778. 

I send you herewith, by command of my Lord Lieutenant, 
a letter dated the 2nd instant, which I this day received 
from the Speaker of the House of Commons of this king- 
dom, inclosing a paper entitled " Remarks on the Em- 
bargo." As the Speaker thinks it absolutely necessary for 
this country that the information contained in this paper 
should be conveyed to England through some channel, and 
that the more privately it is done, in his opinion the better, 
His Excellency, in deference to his judgment, has directed 




it should be transmitted through your hands, to be laid be- 
fore Lord North. His Excellency is persuaded that the 
present distress of this kingdom is in general fairly repre- 
sented, and hopes that if his Majesty and his Ministers shall, 
in their wisdom, think that any relief can be properly ex- 
tended to this country, it may become an object of their 
immediate determination ; and it will oblige his Excel- 
lency, if you will inform me from time to time what steps 
are likely to be taken therein. 

I have the honour to be, 

E. Heron. 


Limerick, September 2, 1778. 

Dear Sik, 

Inclosed I send you a paper this day given to me by the 
principal merchants here. Though it is very incorrect, it 
will answer the purpose of information, full as well as if it 
were polished. I know not how far you may think your- 
self at liberty to make any representation on this subject; 
but it is absolutely necessary for this country, that the 
information should be conveyed to England through some 
channel. The more privately it is done, in my opinion, 
the better. You can have no conception of the distress 
occasioned by what has been already done, and how much 
it must be increased by a continuance of the present 
measures. There is nothing which the people here would 
not submit to without repining, if they thought it neces- 
sary for the public service ; but they are persuaded that 
all these measures are calculated for the emolument of a 
few private individuals ; and I must confess that the public 
proclamations carry too much the appearance of it. As I 
know how much the minds of the people here are already 




exasperated upon the subject, and as I know they will be 
much more so by a continuance of the same measures, I 
think it my duty to give you this information, being fully 
persuaded that you will do every thing in your power to 
remove the evil, and if you cannot do that, to prevent the 
consequences of it. 

As I have not a copy of the inclosed paper, I must beg 
you will direct it to be copied for me. 

I propose remaining here until the 19th of this month, 
when I shall return to Dunmore, and in four or five days 
after to Dublin. 

I am, &c. 
Edmund Pery. 

remarks on the embargo. 

By the order dated the 25th of October, 1776, all provi- 
sions laden on British ships only are permitted, on condi- 
tion of oath and bond of proceeding for some port in Great 
Britain, or with convoy to some one of his Majesty's 
islands only> and to no other. 

By an Order dated the 29th May, 1778, all provisions, 
though laden as above on British ships, shall not proceed 
until further orders, except by special Order from Council. 

By an Order of the 19th June, 1778, is granted a 
liberty for provisions for our armies and islands under 
convoy, but not to Great Britain. 

By an Order dated the 13th August, 1778, butter is 
allowed to Great Britain, under numerous difficulties. 

In consequence of the first embargo, now near two years 
subsisting, the merchants of Ireland, in particular those of 
Dublin and Limerick, have suffered considerably. And 
on the strictest inquiry, it is found that numbers of them 
are ruined in their circumstances by this severe embargo 
of so long a continuance. Conformable to the proclama- 




tion, they sent their provisions to the ports of Great 
Britain, which occasioned such quantities at the English 
markets, that they became invendible at any price, not- 
withstanding public auctions were almost daily advertized. 

These merchants complain that they have quantities of 
these provisions still remaining in London, some one year, 
and some near two years ; that they can in London prove 
by certificates from most of the principal contractors for 
Government, and from the merchants dealing from London 
to our islands, that these provisions are now so much 
perished by being so long in London, that they are totally 
unfit for either Government or private consumption; that 
they have wrote to their agents, rather than have their 
properties thrown into the Thames, to solicit liberty to 
send those damaged provisions to some neutral port, such 
as Holland, or the Dutch West Indies, where they may 
be of some value; but all applications have been refused. 
One merchant in Limerick is ready to make affidavit that 
he has in London, of beef and pork, now near two years, 
what cost him about 6,000/. — all his own property — now in 
a perishing state, and by the long time on hand, is neither 
fit for Government, cr any of our islands. 

The port of Cork has not these complaints, as all the 
victuallers and convoys calling there, give them more fre- 
quent opportunities to vend their provision. 

The Order of the 13th August, 1778, precluding butter, 
except to Great Britain only, must be productive of great 
losses to the farmers of the southern parts of Ireland, 
where they have great quantities of coarse butter, only 
suitable to the demand from Germany, Holland, and Por- 
tugal, and totally unfit for the English markets. This 
kind of butter must, therefore, remain on the farmer's 
hands, and the Bremen and Holland ships that come for 
it, return home in their ballast, with the loss of their freight. 




The Order of the 29th May, still in force, precluding any 
ships laden with beef or pork to sail, though bound for Great 
Britain, must be productive of the greatest loss to this king- 
dom. For under such a long and continued restriction, now 
at the eve of our slaughtering season, what merchant will 
venture to deal with the grazier for their great quantity of 
cattle, which the graziers must actually kill in October and 
November, and lie under the necessity to sell at the mercy 
of a very few contractors in the port of Cork ? They, also, 
have great quantities, ordinary and middling cow beef, 
quite unfit for his Majesty's islands, army, fleet, or garri- 
sons. The consequence attending these continual restric- 
tions, must be fatal to this country, and cause an entire 
scarcity of money and credit. A Scotch sloop really bound 
for Port Glasgow, with a quantity of fifty-four barrels 
butter (of last year), fifty-one barrels common cargo pork, 
and forty-five barrels very ordinary cow beef, remains at 
heavy charges at Limerick, by means of embargo, since 
the 27th June last, now above two months ; she is called 
the Jenny of Glasgow, John Urie, master. 

In consequence of the Order of the 29th May, 1778, 
any provision really intended for any port of Great Britain, 
cannot have permission, but by special order from Council ; 
the merchant in Ireland, thus applying, must be almost a 
month in suspense before he can have the determination 
of his petition, and in that uncertain state will not hire any 
vessel to freight, and if he should succeed in a licence, 
possibly may not get a ship to hire at the time such license 
came to his hands; every such license is attended with an 
expense of five to six guineas, though but a vessel of forty 

It is worth while examining what was done in 
.England in consequence of the distresses of the 



sister kingdom in 1778. Lord Nugent stated the 
distressed condition of Ireland, and advised that 
the commercial restrictions which affected her 
should be lessened ; and Lords Beauchamp and 
Newhaven said they would move for a general ex- 
portation for that country, with the exception of 
woollens. Accordingly, in 1779 Lord Newhaven 
moved for a committee to inquire what trade laws 
affected Ireland; but this was superseded by the 
order of the day. He tried again to procure a 
committee to inquire into the importation of sugar 
into Ireland from the West Indies ; and the ob- 
jection made to this was, the fear that any indul- 
gence might endanger the sovereignty of England 
over Ireland. The motion was carried only by a 
majority of five — 47 to 42 ; and in the succeeding 
week the motion was lost by a majority of four — 
62 to 58. It was said that Lord North had come 
down to the House on purpose to defeat the 

In the House of Lords the Marquis of Rock- 
ingham, on the 1 1th of May, had moved an address 
to his Majesty, for information relative to the trade 
and manufactures of Ireland ; but this was op- 
posed by Lord Weymouth (the Home Secretary), 
Lord Gower (President of the Council), and others, 
on the ground that it was dangerous to agree to 
the claims of Ireland, and that they should not 
pledge themselves to favour Irish manufactures 
more than British. The motion being amended, 

z 2 




was agreed to : a similar one was also adopted in 
the Commons. Nothing, however, was promised 
or attempted by the ministry; and at length, in 
June, Lord Shelburne moved an address to inquire 
what had been done in consequence of their former 
resolutions upon the subject of Ireland. Lord 
Weymouth declared they had written to the Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland for papers, which would be 
produced as soon as they were made out. Lord 
Camden stated that the promises of England to 
Ireland had been hundreds of times violated, and 
she was justly in a ferment. The Duke of Grafton 
would not admit that Ireland had any grievance 
to complain of. He said that the manufactures of 
England should be protected, and that nothing 
could be done this session. Accordingly the 
motion was lost by 32 to 61. 

Thus did this weak and selfish policy prevail ; 
and thus was the state of Ireland even refused a 
free and fair consideration. 

The whole of the relief intended for Ireland 
amounted to this : five measures were proposed 
in the British Parliament for the benefit of Ire- 
land, three of which were scarcely worth men- 
tioning as Bills for redress ; and of the other two, 
one was an Export Bill from Ireland to the plan- 
tations, of all her manufactures except woollens ; 
the other, an Import Bill of all plantation produce 
except tobacco ; — that is, an export of any thing but 
her principal manufacture, and an import of every 



thing except their principal produce. The latter, 
however, as sugar had not been excepted, was 
considered too liberal, and was rejected ; and the 
Export Bill passed with a new exception in favour 
of cotton goods. These five measures were thus 
reduced to one, with this invidious exception intro- 
duced; and possibly, they never would have been 
noticed if it had not been for the spirit with which 
they were met in England. The alarm of the 
British manufacturers, and their anger subse- 
quently vented upon Mr. Burke at the Bristol 
election, gave to this stinted measure a character 
for bounty and concession which it did not deserve. 
It was accordingly held forth to Ireland, in the 
height of her distress, as a generous gift, to clothe 
the naked and feed the famishing ; and the repre- 
sentatives of a starving community were obliged to 
struggle through groups of hungry artizans, and 
approach the Castle of Dublin in an humble ad- 
dress to the throne, belying the poverty of their 
constituents, and returning thanks for what neither 
gave them bread nor liberty. 

How much better it is for nations to attain their 
rights by their own exertions than be indebted for 
them to the niggard bounty of others! The people 
adopt an intelligible, straightforward, and manly 
policy ; while that effected by ministerial nego- 
ciation is often crafty, and not seldom delusive. 
In diplomacy, the minister is sure to have the 
advantage, and is most likely and best able to 



Such was the case in 1782, when it required all 
the stern integrity of Lord Charlemont and Mr. 
Grattan, to guard the rights of Ireland, and resist 
the offers and blandishments of the minister ; — 
such was the case in 1785, on the Propositions, 
when the art and dexterity of Mr. Pitt sought to 
impose a perpetual and an increasing tribute on 
the Irish people ;— -such again, in 1795, when the 
manoeuvres and indirectness of Mr. Pitt, made 
Lord Fitzwilliam the dupe, and the Catholics the 
victim; — again, in 1800, when the same minister, 
(now in fact the king,) dazzling the long-abused 
sight of the Irish with the great things they were to 
get, and the nothings they were to give up, duped 
the violent Orangemen, deceived the credulous Ca- 
tholics, and doomed both parties to afflict and harass 
the country by their hostility and humiliation. 

Matters were now fast approaching to a close. 
The complaints of the people were disregarded ; 
the distresses of the nation were not relieved ; the 
advice of her ablest men was passed unheeded by. 
The dangers from without increased ; the enemy's 
fleets threatened the coast ; the country was left 
defenceless, and an invasion being apprehended, 
the inhabitants of Belfast applied to Government 
for military aid, and the Secretary, Sir Richard 
Heron, w T rote to the sovereign* of the town, to inform 
him that a military force was ordered to Belfast, 
and that the Government very much approved of 
the spirit of the inhabitants, who had formed them- 

* The magistrate so called. 




selves into companies for the defence of the town. 
Thus was the approbation of the Government, indi- 
rectly, and from necessity, given to the volunteers. 

In the several counties and baronies, the people 
assembled, and entered into resolutions to raise 
volunteer corps throughout the country. The 
county Mayo was convened by the high sheriff, and 
subscriptions entered into for the purpose, and the 
command given to Lord Altamont. In Dublin, 
similar corps were established, and the command 
given to the Duke of Leinster. In the county of 
Kilkenny 500 stand of arms were distributed 
among the volunteers. The barony of Gowran 
furnished four companies of forty men each. Birr, 
in the King's county, armed very quickly at their 
own expense 300 men ; the Roman Catholics 
in the county of Limerick, affording a generous 
return for the relaxation of the laws against their 
body, subscribed 800/. to raise men for the na- 
tional defence ; and in Drogheda, Dingle, and 
other parts, they made a tender of their property 
and services to the Protestant associations which 
had been formed there for the defence of the 
kingdom, and the utmost harmony and concord 
prevailed between both classes. 

Meanwhile, Government looked on, unable to 
restrain, unwilling to promote, and incapable 
of directing these associations. They sought in 
every way to discourage them,* and the following 

* "This day sennight there was ag reat alarm about Ireland, which 



letters to the Lord Lieutenant, and his replies, 
evince their anxiety, and the repugnance felt to« 
wards these bodies. 

The wretched state of defence in which the 
country was left, will be seen from the disgraceful 
avowal of the viceroy, that only sixty troopers 
could be spared for the protection of the North 
when the French appeared off that coast. Yet 
such was the fatuity of Government, that unable, 
as they admit they were, to afford protection, they 
were yet unwilling to countenance the volunteers, 
or enable them to protect themselves. In fact, 
their inability to relieve the distress, and unwil- 
lingness to aid in the defence of the country, 
amounted to a complete abdication of the duties 
of a Government ; the right to which, according 
to the principles of the constitution, justly re- 
verted to the people. That right they now pro- 
ceeded to exercise, and in a manner more credit- 
able to the Irish than could have been expected, 
and more serviceably and loyally to England than 

was far from being all invention, though not absolute insurrection as 
was said. The case I believe was this: — the court, in order to break 
the volunteer army established by the Irish themselves, endeavoured to per- 
suade a body in Lady Blayney's county of Monaghan to enlist in the 
militia, which they took indignantly. They said, they had great regard 
for Lady Blayney and Lord Clermont ; but to act under them would be 
acting under the king, and that was by no means their intention. There 
have since been motions for inquiries, what steps the ministers have 
taken to satisfy the Irish ; and these they have imprudently rejected ; 
which will not tend to pacification/' — Horace Walpole's Letter to the 
Hon. H. S. Conway, June 5, 1779. 


she deserved, after such an accumulation of wrongs 
heaped upon the country. 

So complete an abdication on the part of a 
Government is rarely to be found in the history of 
any nation. The remarks of Lord Buckingham 
on the evils that arose from the absentees, are as 
justly deserving of notice, as his reprehension of 
the volunteers is deserving of condemnation. 


Dublin Castle, April 29, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I have the honour of inclosing herewith to your Lordship 
a newspaper printed here yesterday, called the u Hibernian 
Journal," containing an account of a meeting at theTholsel 
of this city, on the 26th instant, of certain persons styling 
themselves the Aggregate Body of the Citizens of Dublin. 

The resolutions which they entered into at that meeting, 
appeared to me of such dangerous tendency, that I thought 
it incumbent upon me, the moment I had read them, to 
send for the Lord Chancellor, Prime Serjeant, and At- 
torney-General, in order to consider with them what might 
be proper to be done by Government thereupon. They 
seemed to doubt from the first how far it might be ad- 
visable for Government to take any notice of such a publi- 
cation; but upon my expressing my apprehensions that the 
resolution against importing British goods or wares which 
can be manufactured in Ireland, might be followed by the 
like proceedings in other parts of this kingdom, and create 
animosities between the two countries, it was settled that 
my Lord Chancellor should send for the Lord Mayor, and 
ask his lordship whether the city avowed the resolutions 
published in their name. 



My Lord Chancellor accordingly saw my Lord Mayor 
this morning, who said that these resolutions were sent up 
by the Common Council in much stronger terms, which 
the Board of Aldermen had mitigated, and deemed them 
of little consequence. 

The Chancellor, Prime Serjeant, and Attorney-General 
were thereupon unanimously of opinion, that any notice 
which Government could possibly take, either by causing 
an information to be filed, or by inducing the Privy Council 
to issue a proclamation, expressing that full disapprobation 
of these measures which they merit, would have no other 
effect than making this disagreeable disposition worse. 

It concerns me greatly to mention that the discontent of 
this kingdom seems increasing, — fomented, I apprehend, by 
French and American emissaries. 

The alarms given by some are certainly exaggerated ; 
but still the general appearance is serious. My best endea- 
vours shall be exerted, as far as may depend upon me, to 
preserve the public tranquillity. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 



St. James's, May 7, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I have received and laid before the King your Excellency's 
letter of the 20th of April, inclosing a newspaper which 
contains an account of a meeting at the Tholsel of the city 
of Dublin, on the 26th of the same month, of certain per- 
sons styling themselves the Aggregate Body of that city. 

The resolutions which they have entered into, are cer- 
tainly of dangerous tendency ; but, in the present situation 
of affairs, and in this moment of heat, any interference 
might have pernicious effects. 



I am, however, to instruct your Excellency to give the 
most constant attention to every measure that may be 
entered into, in consequence of these resolutions, and to 
use every proper means in your power to prevent any 
further steps being taken, by endeavouring to calm and 
conciliate the minds of the people, and to influence their 
leaders, who must be apprised that His Majesty has sought 
proper means to relieve the distresses of Ireland, the wel- 
fare of which is so material an object of his paternal con- 
cern. I am, &c. 



Dublin Castle, May 24, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I had been assured very lately, that the spirit of the Inde- 
pendent Companies began to subside ; that some individuals 
grew disgusted at the expense; others complained of 
giving up so much of their time without any pecuniary 
consideration, and, consequently, that many of those bodies 
would soon moulder away ; but, on the contrary, within 
these few days, intelligence has reached me, that additional 
companies are forming; and it has been asserted, that this 
arises from the insinuations \^hich are daily circulated in 
the public prints, that the idea of their numbers may con- 
duce to the attainment of political advantages to their 

As much has been observed in England respecting the 
forming and the existence of these Companies, your Lord- 
ship will permit me to throw together, as concisely as 
possible, what at different times has occurred to me upon 
that delicate subject. Upon the receiving official intel- 
ligence that the enemy meditated an attack upon the 
northern parts of Ireland, the inhabitants of Belfast and 



Carrickfergus, as Government could not immediately afford 
a greater force for their protection than about sixty 
troopers, armed themselves, and, by degrees, formed them- 
selves into two or three companies; the spirit diffused 
itself into different parts of the kingdom, and the numbers 
became considerable, but in no degree to the amount 
represented. Discouragement has, however, been given on 
my part, as far as might be without offence, at a crisis 
when the arm and good-will of every individual might 
have been wanting for the defence of the State. In the 
interior and remote parts of Ireland, where Magistrates 
are scarce, and those few act with reluctance and timidity, 
the mode of suppressing them would have been difficult 
and delicate; and, notwithstanding the wisdom and 
peculiar expediency of the relief given to the Roman 
Catholics, the Protestants might, with some plausibility, 
have murmured, if they had not been indulged in arming 
for their own defence, at the moment when the Legislature 
was holding out protection to a denomination of men, 
whom they so long had deemed their inveterate enemies. 

Those who arraign this proceeding do not consider, that 
without this force, the camps would not have been formed, 
or the interior country must have been abandoned to riot 
and confusion, and many parts of the coasts left defence- 
less. It has been alleged, that Government should have 
appointed persons to command them : any step of that 
tendency would have more firmly established them ; every 
gentleman would have offered himself, either from political 
views, or the chance of future emoluments ; and the ex- 
pense of arms, accoutrements, and numberless other con- 
tingencies, would immediately have been thrown upon our 
exhausted treasury. Possibly, such a step might not have 
been legal, as the military establishment of Ireland, by the 
8th George III., is limited to 15,000 and odd men. 

By the act of the 1st of William and Mary, c. 1., 



sec. 2., the subjects of Ireland may carry arms for their 
own defence, suitable to their own condition, and as 
allowed by law ; and it would be a question of nice decision 
to determine, whether they might not be justified, at a time 
of declared public danger, in learning the use of them. 

The seizing their arms would have been a violent expe- 
dient; and the preventing them from assembling without 
a military force, impracticable; for when the civil magis- 
trate will rarely attempt to seize an offender suspected of 
the most enormous crimes, and when convicted, convey 
him to the place of execution without soldiers, — nay, when 
in many instances, persons cannot be put into possession of 
their property, nor, being possessed, maintain it, without 
such assistance, — there is little presumption in asserting, 
that unless bodies of troops had been universally dispersed, 
nothing could have been done to effect. My accounts 
state the number of the corps as not exceeding 8000 men, 
some without arms, and, in the whole, very few who are 
liable to a suspicion of disaffection. 

I have the honour to be, &c 


the lord lieutenant to lord weymouth. 

Dublin Castle, May 28, 1779. 

My Lord, 

From the instructions with which your Lordship lately 
favoured me, it is an incumbent duty to state my ideas, 
however erroneous, respecting the different causes of the 
distresses of this kingdom ; and should they appear super- 
ficial, crude, and ill digested, it must be attributed to my 
wish that they might, in a degree, be understood, whilst 
as yet the Parliament of Great Britain was assembled. 
The great leading mischief is the rise of rents, the whole 



of which advance is, in addition to the former remittance, 
drawn from hence by those persons of property who never 
reside here. And this circumstance also operates in a 
degree, with regard to those in general settled in Ireland, 
who are very much disposed to expend the superfluity of 
their revenue in foreign countries. 

As the gentlemen of Ireland are not more economical 
than those of England, they have charged their estates 
with mortgages, the interest of which is, in very few in- 
stances, paid here. The interest, also, of the national 
debt stands in a similar predicament. 

To these, when the charge (now, indeed, removed) of 
the troops upon the Irish establishment serving abroad, 
the pensions, and the profits of many lucrative offices is 
added, the aggregate sum will appear enormous, in pro- 
portion even to the most exaggerated estimate of the 
abilities of this kingdom. As individuals are less able to 
indulge in articles of luxury, and more disposed to use 
their own manufactures, the revenue must decrease. 

The expence of collection, from various causes, is most 
seriously augmented ; the demands for corn premiums are 
also much more considerable, but supposed to be fre- 
quently fraudulent. 

Agriculture, and indeed farming generally, as well as 
manufactures, can never be carried on to advantage, ex- 
cept where persons of property will become farmers, 
manufacturers, and merchants. The least occasional check 
ruins them, and a larger interest on their slender capital 
is essential for their subsistence ; and this want of capital 
applies with peculiar energy to the fishery upon the 
north-west coast, from whence it has been repeatedly, and 
almost to a degree of conviction, asserted, that the most 
material utility might be derived to the British Empire. 

There is also reason to believe, that, till very lately, 



considerable clandestine exports were made to America, 
and some to Portugal. 

Another sensible inconvenience arises from the almost 
entire failure of paper credit, which renders cash neces- 
sary for every purpose of traflick, and tends to the ruin_of 
many whose trade depended upon credit. 

If a National Bank could be properly established, it 
w T ould greatly remedy this inconvenience, and, in cases of 
emergency, might be a most important resource to Go- 

It would be highly improper for me to state any thing 
upon the head of commercial indulgences, till the senti- 
ments of those far more competent judges, whose opinions 
I have requested, have been communicated to me.* 
I have the honour to be, &c. 


the lord lieutenant to lord weymouth. 

Dublin Castk, May 29, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I have the honour of enclosing herewith to your Lordship, 
an extract of a letter from the Earl of Tyrone to his 
brother, Mr. Beresford, dated the 28th instant, which was 
laid before me this day ; by which your Lordship w ill find 
that the Roman Catholics of the county of Waterford, 
and a neighbouring county, were disposed to have formed 
themselves into Independent Companies, but that he had 
convinced them of the impropriety of such a measure, and 
that he understood they would, in an Address to Govern- 
ment, offer their assistance to join with the Protestant 
inhabitants to defend the country, in whatever manner 
Government should please to point out, in case of an 

* This letter is peculiarly deserving of attention. 



enemy's landing ; and that his Lordship believed such an 
Address would come, which he should not hesitate to lay 
before me, and which I shall lose no time in transmitting" 
to your Lordship as soon as it is received. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 



Curraghmore, May 28, 1779. 

On the alarm here of the French landing, I found from 
their zeal, that the Roman Catholics in all these parts of 
the country were full of forming themselves into Indepen- 
dent Companies, and that in a neighbouring county it was 
actually begun. The variety of consequences which must 
attend such an event, though I am convinced well intended, 
are so obvious, that I thought it my duty, without waiting 
for advice until it might be too late, to exert myself to 
stop it. 

I, therefore, have been with those who have most 
authority and influence among them, and think I have 
convinced their reason that, however well intended, they 
would subject themselves to misrepresentation, and might, 
instead of advancing an union between the two religions, 
raise a jealousy that might undo them. 

In short, I thought it would raise such a noise at this, 
and the other side of the water, as must distress Govern- 
ment ; but I convinced the leaders to change their ideas, 
and understand they will, in an Address to Government, 
offer their assistance to join with the Protestant inhabit- 
ants, in case of an enemy's landing, to defend the country 
in whatever mauner Government shall please to point out. 



I told them I should not hesitate in transmitting such 
an Address to the Lord Lieutenaut. 

Mention to Lord Buckingham, that I believe such an 
Address will come. 


Dublin Castle, May 29, 1779. 

My Lord, 

For some days past, the names of the traders who appear 
from the printed returns of the Custom-house to have 
imported any English goods, have been printed in the 
Dublin newspaper. 

This is probably calculated for the abominable purpose 
of drawing the indignation of the mob upon individuals, 
and is supposed to be the act of the very meanest of the 

As this circumstance gives particular disgust to all 
reasonable people, means may probably be found to put a 
stop to it. 

The accounts of the temper and disposition of this king- 
dom are very differently represented in England to those 
which are stated to me. Commercial indulgence and 
general relief are universally wished for ; but assurances are 
given from all parts, that there never has existed an era, 
when a hostile attempt from any quarter would have been 
so strenuously resisted as at present. 

The associations to wear only Irish manufactures may, 
I rather believe, be consideied as merely temporary, and will 
soon dwindle into nothing. 

The measures taken for the protection of the coasts have 
occasioned general satisfaction, though from the zeal of 
some of the officers in distant quarters, more alarm was 
occasioned than the circumstances called for. The in- 

A A 



structions which I have sent Gen. Maxwell in the North, 
are — to be particularly careful in preventing any dis- 
putes between the military and the Independent Companies ; 
rather to decline employing them, unless there should be 
any hostile attempts ; but to avoid giving them the least 
foundation to assert that their offers of service had been 
rejected. I received yesterday a letter, dated the 26th inst. 
from the Earl of Clanricarde, informing me that a very 
large and respectable number of gentlemen of the county 
of Galway had formed themselves into a body for the 
protection of that county, and had done him the great 
honour of placing him at their head, as Colonel, under the 
appellation of the Clanricarde Volunteers ; that they pro- 
posed to act as cavalry, and that should the French, or 
any other enemy, presume to land or invade this kingdom, 
he took the liberty of offering their services, and to march 
at their own expense to any part of this kingdom, in 
support of Government. 

His Lordship likewise adds, that he will engage, on the 
shortest notice, and undertake to raise amongst his friends 
and tenants in the county of Galway, 1,000 men, who 
will swim in their own blood in defence of his Majesty 
and their native country. 

To this letter I have only said in answer, that his 
Majesty cannot entertain the least doubt of his Lordship's 
peculiar zeal and attachment to his Majesty's, and the 
public service, upon every occasion. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 






LougJirea, May 31, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I am just honoured with your commands the 28th of May. 
From the knowledge I have of his Majesty's goodness, T 
have the greatest reason to hope that he is fully persuaded 
of my attachment to his person and family ; but, my Lord, 
as I act in a public capacity in my present application to 
your Excellency, I beg leave to know, whether you are 
pleased to accept of the services of the Clanricarde volun- 
teers in the defence of this country, should any foreign 
power invade it. I will, in that case, engage to bring a 
most respectable body of gentlemen, and a powerful num- 
ber of men, into the field. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 


mr. waite to lord clanricarde. 

Dublin Castle, June 5, 1779. 

My Lord, 

My Lord Lieutenant being indisposed with a feverish cold, 
hopes your Lordship will excuse his making use of my pen 
to inform your Lordship that he received your letter of 
the 31st past. 

His Excellency did not return any particular answer to 
that part of your Lordship's former letter of the 26th 
past, of which your Lordship makes an offer of the services 
of the Clanricarde volunteers, because his Excellency was 
satisfied that your Lordship must know, that as the asso- 
ciation of numbers of armed men, formed under their own 

A A 2 


regulations in different parts of this kingdom, cannot, as 
His Excellency is advised, be justified by law, it would 
not be proper for his Excellency to give any encourage- 
ment or sanction to them. At the same time, his Excel- 
lency cannot but be pleased with the zeal intended for his 
Majesty's and the public service ; and, in case of an actual 
invasion, would think himself bound to call upon all his 
Majesty's subjects qualified to give aid and assistance to 
the repelling of it, in such a manner as his Majesty's ser- 
vants shall judge to be best adapted for that purpose. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

Thomas Waite. 

the lord lieutenant to lord weymouth. 

Dublin Castle, June 4, 1779. 

My Lord, 

Sir Richard Heron having informed me that letters had 
been received in London, giving an account of a very extra- 
ordinary association entered into by the inhabitants of the 
county of Monaghan, I applied to Lieutenant-general Cu- 
ningham, who is Member for the Borough of Monaghan, 
to desire he would send me any papers whatever in his 
possession, relative to the associated companies in that 
county ; in answer to which he has informed me that he has 
no such papers, nor has he ever seen any on that subject, 
except one private letter ; nor does he believe, though it 
has been talked of, that any companies are yet associated 
there. It is my sincere wish to communicate to your lord- 
ship every possible authentic information of what is passing 
in this kingdom, that may deserve attention ; but your 
lordship would deem the correspondence irksome, were 
you to be troubled with every report which is circulated in 




our newspapers and coffee-houses, and industriously trans- 
mitted to England, where it is not understood how very 
little is known of the interior and remote parts of this 
kingdom, and how difficult it is to obtain intelligence which 
may be depended upon. As I made it a rule, from the first 
forming of the volunteer troops and companies, to de- 
cline giving them any sanction or encouragement, to which 
I have steadily adhered, it has seldom happened that I 
have known anything of the association, until I saw them 
in the public newspapers, which being regularly transmitted 
to your lordship's office, will account for my not troubling 
your lordship concerning them upon every occasion. It is 
not uncommon for me to receive a visit from a person who 
has expressed his uneasiness at the general situation of 
the kingdom, and for that person to be followed by another 
who shall dwell upon its tranquillity } observing that fewer 
commotions and disturbances have happened of late than 

A conversation of a disagreeable tendency was lately 
reported to me from good authority to have been held in 
this city ; but that will occasionally happen in every great 
city, and under every Government. Certainly, upon the 
whole, the numbers of armed men formed under their own 
regulations, cannot but be surveyed with a most anxious 
eye. And your Lordship's candour will allow that, deli- 
cately circumstanced as Ireland is at present, it is scarcely 
possible in my situation to avoid censure for having said 
or done either too much or too little. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 




St. James's, June 7, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I have received and laid before the King your Excel- 
lency's letter of the 23d May, in which you have stated 
the particular circumstances that have occasioned the rais- 
ing of the several Independent Companies that are now on 
foot in Ireland. 

It requires the utmost vigilance of Government that no 
injury should arise to the state, by the means that have 
been used by well designing subjects for the defence of the 
country, and the support of the civil magistracy. 

Your Excellency informs me u that additional companies 
are forming, and that it has been asserted this arises from 
the insinuations which are daily circulated in the public 
prints, that the idea of their numbers may conduce to the 
attainment of political advantages to their country." This 
reason must be considered as alarming, since the expe- 
diency of any measure for political advantages to Ireland, 
is a sufficient consideration to secure to that country the 
full support of Government, 

I am, therefore, to recommend to your Excellency, the 
utmost attention to any addition that may be made to the 
numbers of the companies already raised, and that they be 
discouraged by all proper and gentle means, 

I am, &c. 


Dublin Castle, June 12, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I am honoured this morning with your Lordship's letter of 
the 7th instant. With respect to the independent corps' 



nothing has been omitted, which either in my judgment or 
in those of my advisers, could with propriety and discre- 
tion be enforced, to prevent their rise and encrease. Your 
Lordship must be sensible that its having been advanced 
by respectable gentlemen in the British Parliament, u how 
very inexpedient it would be not to yield to the petitions 
of Ireland, at a time when there existed so many thousand 
men armed, and arrayed under no command but that of 
the leaders they had chosen for themselves," how natural 
it was for those corps to keep themselves together, however 
the original principle of their conduct might be mistaken 
or misrepresented. The best dispositions of bodies of men, 
as well as of individuals, are too easily perverted by these 
plausible, though wicked insinuations. Hitherto, when a 
truly authentic account of any of the independent com- 
panies has reached me, it has done honour, as well to their 
dispositions as their conduct, and their numbers have fallen 
short of report. 

Applications are hourly made for arms, in consequence 
of the late alarm, — which shall in every instance be civilly 

It concerns me to have but too much reason to appre- 
hend that the concessions proposed by the gentlemen 
applied to in consequence of your Lordship's despatches of 
the 18th of May and the 1st instant, will be very extensive, 
even from those who are conscious of their inadmissibility. 

The occasional favour of Government cannot induce 
men to incur the odium of their country, at a crisis which 
they deem critical for the attainment of her object. Upon 
the whole consideration of this kingdom, the secondary mea- 
sure of temporising is, in my opinion, called for ; and what- 
ever may be the sentiments of Government respecting 
the independent troops, most studiously to avoid giving 
them any reason to believe that they are either feared or 




suspected. Expense, fatigue, avocation from business, and 
subordination, will, by rendering their situation irksome, 
thin their ranks, and a peace would soon put a period to 
their existence. 

The conduct of all denominations of men, upon the 
rumours of the last week, which now appear evidently to 
have been a wicked imposition, carries with it the agree- 
able conviction of there never having existed a period 
ivhen Ireland was equally able and willing to resist any 
attempt of invasion. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 


the lord lieutenant to lord weymouth. 

Dublin Castle, June 25, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I have mentioned to your Lordship at different times the 
applications that had been made to me for arms for the 
use of the self-created troops and companies in this 
kingdom, and my determination not to comply with such 
applications. Some of the most respectable noblemen of 
this kingdom, who are governors of counties, have since 
represented to me that, in case of an invasion, it would not 
be in the power of gentlemen of the country to defend 
themselves, the people in general having no arms; and 
that they must, consequently, be at the mercy of any ban- 
ditti who might choose to pillage ; and have, therefore, 
requested that they may be supplied with arms from his 
Majesty's stores, to be deposited in barracks, and not to be 
delivered out but by the express order of the governors of 
the counties. 

I must inform your Lordship that there are at this time 
in His Majesty's stores in Dublin above 5,000 new arms, 




and a further quantity is in hand ; the whole of which will 
be wanted for the use of the regular troops, but there are 
also in store about 20,000 militia arms in perfect order. 

Had a militia been arrayed, a number of these arms, 
equal to that of the militia, would, of course, have been 
issued, and put under the direction of the governors of 

I apprehend, as there has not been any array, it is 
not perfectly regular to place these arms in other hands ; 
yet, upon such an emergency, as at present threatens, I 
submit whether it might not be justifiable and proper to 
lodge a number of them under the care of the commanding 
officers in some of the provincial towns in the southern 
parts of Ireland, in order that if there should be imme- 
diate occasion for them, they might be there ready to be 
delivered without delay. 

As this is a case of great delicacy, and very different in 
its circumstances from the other applications for arms, and 
as upon my compliance with any of the applications in 
question, I must expect they will become general from 
every county in Ireland, I would not determine positively 
upon the matter, until such time as I should have an op- 
portunity of stating it to your Lordship, and receiving 
directions for my conduct therein. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 




Exertions of the Press in favour of Ireland's rights. — Dean Swift's advice 
to use domestic manufactures. — Mr. Johnson. — Jebb, Dobbs, Pollock, 
O'Leary's writings. — Counties agree to use domestic manufactures. — 
Enter into non-importation and non-consumption agreements. — Lord 
Lieutenant's and Lord Weymouth's letters. — Invasion apprehended. 
— Privy Council orders the issuing of arms. — Roman Catholic priests. 
— The minister apprehends danger. — Government plan to discourage 
volunteers. — Conduct of Privy Council. — Their resolution. — Speech 
from the throne. —Letters of Lord Lieutenant and Lord Weymouth 
respecting the opening of the Session of Parliament in 1779. 

The press, that great champion of public 
liberty, that terror of tyrants, that powerful 
engine in the cause of the people, was neither 
indifferent nor inactive on the occasion of the 
important crisis referred to in the last chapter. 
The recommendation given by Dean Swift so 
many years before, to encourage the use of native 
commodities, and promote Irish manufactures, 
for which his Drapier's Letters were prosecuted, 
and voted to be dangerous and seditious libels, 



was now revived, and seemed likely to prevail. 
Numbers of most excellent publications, writ- 
ten by distinguished persons, though under fic- 
titious names, daily appeared, and were circulated 
throughout the country, and received with the 
greatest avidity. Mr. Robert Johnson, afterwards 
Judge, and Dr. Frederick Jebb, published letters 
on the affairs of Ireland, recommending domestic 
manufactures, denying the right of the British 
Legislature, and asserting the claims of Ireland to 
free trade. They appeared under the titles of 
" Guatimoziri' and " Causidicus" Mr. Charles 
Sheridan wrote observations in reply to Sir W. 
Blackstone, on the powers of the British Parlia- 
ment. Mr. Pollock wrote a series of spirited and 
patriotic letters under the title of " Owen Roe 
O'Nial" addressed to the people of Ireland, and 
in support of the volunteer associations : these 
were from time to time published in the papers of 
the day, and were full of freedom and ardour. 
Others appeared in the daily papers under various 
titles, — Brutus, Decius, Fidelis, Hibernicus, &c, 
— asserting in constitutional language the rights 
of the country. Mr. Dobbs wrote to defend 
the non-importation agreement, and in support 
of domestic manufactures and home consumption, 
in reply to Doctor Tucker ; and Doctor O'Leary's 
letters to the Roman Catholics, enjoining their 
union with their countrymen to oppose the foreign 
enemy, made a great and general impression. 


Resolutions were also entered into by the 
volunteer associations, in support of home manu- 
factures, accompanied by a determination to con- 
sume no other, and demanding an extension of 
their commerce. 

This measure was now generally adopted, and 
being sanctioned by the leading men of the country, 
made great and rapid progress, viz. the consump- 
tion of home-made goods. In the early part of the 
year, the grand jury and many of the resident 
gentry passed resolutions on this subject, in Cavan, 
Carlow, Kilkenny, Queen's county, &c. They 
signed declarations, that in consequence of the 
distress of the nation, the unjust exclusion from 
trade, and the injurious and restrictive commercial 
regulations, they would not use imported goods, 
but consume their domestic manufactures, and that 
this declaration should be in force so long as the 
country remained excluded from participation in 
commerce. Lords Lanesborough, Farnham, Car- 
low, De Vesci, and a number of influential men 
of property, affixed their names to these documents, 
which quickly extended through the country, and 
were adopted by numerous county meetings. * 

From the statements already made, it appears 
that Government was unable to afford the sub- 
ject the ordinary return for allegiance, — (protec- 
tion against either domestic distress, or foreign 
danger,) and it fell, with the nation, a sacrifice 

* See Appendix. 




to its own profusion ; it first became a beggar, 
and then a bankrupt — so much so, that its officers 
would have starved, had it not been for a private 
gentleman, (Mr. La Touche,) who finding his 
country ruined by the councils that had directed 
her, with his private fortune propped up the 
falling state, and having given to the prodigality 
of Government opposition — afterwards gave to its 
necessities bread, and advanced to Government 
the sum of 20,000/., to enable them to carry on 
the affairs of the country. Such was the state 
of Ireland ; Government was bankrupt, and the 
house of La Touche upheld her credit. Thus 
was she left with a declining revenue, with an 
overloaded establishment, a bankrupt treasury, a 
ruined merchantry, a famishing people ; the 
country plunged into a war, and exposed naked 
and defenceless ; her troops withdrawn ; her people 
denied arms ; one part of the nation (the Catho- 
lics) by law forbidden to carry them — the other, 
(the Protestant) denied the use of them. 

These were the fruits of sixteen years of peace, 
of the " virtues of the best of kings" and those of 
his viceroy ; this was the result of the addresses 
that flattered on the journals, — of the wisdom of 
the parliaments of both kingdoms, — the wit and 
humour of Lord North, and of the admitted 
" loyalty" of Ireland. 

At length that most important of all measures, 
urged by Mr, Pery, and forced on by the neces- 



sity of the times, was adopted in council, and an 
order was at length issued to give out arms to the 
people. The Privy Council met, and thus de- 
cided, — and by its decision laid the ground 
work for those rights which Ireland had so long 
been deprived of. It was however delayed by the 
British minister till the enemy were almost on the 
shores of Ireland, and only carried by the earnest 
entreaty of Mr. Pery. 


Dublin Castle, 23rd July, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I received your Lordship's letter of the 12th instant, in- 
closing, for my information, a copy of his Majesty's pro- 
clamation of the 9th, for driving all cattle, fyc. from the 
coasts in case the enemy shall attempt to land, and signifying 
that it is left to me to determine when it shall be con- 
sidered expedient to publish orders of a similar nature in 

As this appeared to me to be a matter of very great im- 
portance, I immediately ordered a meeting of his Majesty's 
Privy Council to take the same into consideration, and 
desired their opinion on the expediency of issuing such a 
proclamation directly ; but found them unanimous that 
the situation of this kingdom neither admitted nor 
required an order of that kind, which would spread 
an universal alarm, and might be attended with fatal con- 
sequences to public credit. I have therefore postponed 
taking any further steps in this matter for the present, but 
must inform your Lordship that the commander-in-chief, in 
the instructions which he has issued to all officers corn- 




manding his Majesty's forces in stations adjacent to the 
sea coasts, has directed thein to drive the cattle in case there 
should be a landing of the enemy. 

I have, &c, 



Dublin Castle, July 23, 1779. 

My Lord, 

Several applications having been made to me at different 
times by noblemen and gentlemen, that they might be 
supplied at this juncture with part of the arms which were 
provided by Parliament for the use of the militia of this 
kingdom, I this day communicated those applications to 
the Lords of His Majesty's Privy Council, and desired 
their opinion and advice for my conduct therein; and it 
being their opinion and advice that I should direct such 
part of the said militia arms as I shall think necessary to 
be delivered to the governors of the several counties of this 
kingdom, for the better preservation of the peace and safety 
thereof, I shall now be under no difficulty in complying 
with such applications, and hope that my determination to 
proceed according to the opinion of His Majesty's Privy 
Council will meet with His Majesty's approbation. I have 
the honour of inclosing herewith to your Lordship the 
Minute which was taken in Council upon that matter, 
and I desire your Lordship will lay the same before his 

I have the honour to be, 8cc. 




July 23, 1779. 


His Excellency, John, Earl of Buckingham, Lord Lieut. 

Thomas Conolly, 

His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant having been pleased 
to communicate to the Council that several applications 
have been made to him for part of the militia arms, and 
having desired the opinion and advice of the Council there- 
upon ; it is the humble opinion and advice of the Council 
to his Excellency, that he will be pleased to give directions 
that such part of the arms provided for the use of the 
militia of this kingdom, as his Excellency shall judge 
necessary, be delivered to the governors of the several 
counties of this kingdom, for the better preservation of 
the peace and safety thereof, upon application for that 
purpose, and upon their giving an acknowledgment in 
writing, containing an engagement to return the same 
when demanded. 

Lord Chancellor, 

Lord Abp. Dublin, 

Lord Westmeath, 

Lord Howth, 

Sir Henry Cavendish, 

Mr. Provost, 

Mr. Speaker, 

Sir Richard Heron, 

Sir John Irwine, 

Silver Oliver, 
Theo. Jones, 
General Pomeroy, 
Walter Burgh, 
John Scott, 
Thomas Waite, 
H. T. Clements, 
William Burton, 
Mr. Solicitor-General. 

Henry Upton, 
Dep. Clerk of the Council. 




Other fears appeared now to haunt the mind of 
the British minister ; and that political apparition, a 
Roman Catholic Priest, frightened, almost on the 
eve of battle, the trembling conscience of the in- 
mates at St. James's: they apprehended that foreign 
intrigue would be added to domestic discontent. 
But the minister and the king were mistaken ; for 
the Catholics were loyal ; not more so than they 
ought to have been when their country was 
threatened by invasion, — but much more than 
England had a right to expect, when we consider 
the severe penalties to which they were subject, and 
the important privileges of which they were deprived 
— aliens in their native country. 


(Secret.) St. James's, August 4, 1779. 

My Lord, 

Information collected from various places, leaves no room 
to doubt that a very considerable number of Irish Roman 
Catholic Priests have lately come into England, from 
several parts of foreign countries, in order to pass into 
Ireland. There is also good reason to believe that the 
several seminaries in France and Flanders have been 
directed to send many of their pupils to Ireland, to promote 
the views of the French court. 

The zeal which the Roman Catholics of Ireland have 
shewn, leaves no reason to doubt of their loyalty ; yet it 
may be very proper to acquaint, privately, some of the 
principal gentlemen of that persuasion with these facts, 
that they may take proper precaution that these designing 

B B 



men should not have it in their power to mislead the 

I am directed to refer this matter to your Excellency's 
consideration, not doubting that you will take proper 
measures that this application may not occasion any unne- 
cessary alarm, or be understood to imply any doubt of the 
zeal and loyalty of subjects whom His Majesty considers 
as faithfully attached to his person and government. 

I am, &c. 



(Secret.) Dublin Castle, August 19, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I have received the honour of your Lordship's secret letter 
of the 4th inst. signifying that a very considerable number 
of Irish Roman Catholic priests have lately come into 
England from several parts of foreign countries, in order 
to pass into Ireland, and that there is also good reason to 
believe that the several seminaries in France and Flanders 
had been directed to send many of their pupils to Ireland, 
to promote the views of the French court. 

In consequence of this intelligence, 1 have made the 
strictest inquiry in my power relative to such priests, but 
am hitherto informed of the arrival of two only in this 
kingdom, who, as I understand, were sent for in order to 
Jill up some cures which happened to be vacant. 

Your Lordship may be assured that no attention on my 
part shall be wanting to defeat the evil designs of such 
persons, and that, pursuant to the instructions contained 
in your letter, I shall apprize some of the superiors of the 
Romish clergy of the intelligence I have received, and 


recommend it to them to be particularly watchful of the 
conduct of all such persons as fall within your Lordship's 

I have the honour to be, &c. 



At this period the minister proposed a plan, 
further to discourage the volunteers, by con- 
necting them with the Government, and only 
granting temporary or local commissions to the 
officers, not to take rank in the army except 
during the time of their companies being in actual 
service, and then only to be issued when an inva- 
sion should take place. To this effect, a letter* 
was addressed from St. James's by Lord Wey- 
mouth, to the Irish Government ; and in reply the 
Lord Lieutenant stated, that six colonels, six 
lieutenant-colonels, eight majors, forty captains, 
forty lieutenants, and forty ensigns, would be suf- 
ficient; the commissions were to be sent in blank 
to the Lord Lieutenant, and he was directed " to 
issue them ivith great caution and reserve, and in the 
meantime, not to suffer it to he known." Such was 
the plan proposed by Lord North to repel the 
French, and enlist the Irish on the side of Great 
Britain : no promise of trade — no mention of 
constitution — but the people were called on to 
fight for a barren, unproductive connexion. For- 
tunately, the men at the head of the people were 

* Letter, dated August, 1779. 
B B 2 




far wiser than those at the helm of the state, and 
knew full well that no commission from the king 
was necessary to make men fight for their native 
country: Liberty alone would suffice. With this 
object therefore in view, the volunteers enrolled 
themselves ; not under the royal commissions, but 
under their self-elected officers; — not in such 
limited numbers as proposed by the Government, 
but in such masses as the exigency of the times 
demanded, and the greatness of the cause re- 

Lord Buckingham now found that the represen- 
tations of the Irish Government, in regard to their 
financial difficulties, were still disregarded by the 
British minister, and the nation being left unpro- 
tected, and the treasury being exhausted, it ap- 
peared indispensable that another effort should be 
made, if possible, to recruit her finances. The 
Privy Council was accordingly summoned, to de- 
liberate on the expediency of calling together the 
Parliament, with a view to supply funds for the 
troops, and enable them to take the field to repel 
the apprehended invasion. During two successive 
days, the question was discussed in Council, and 
their final opinion was, that for this purpose solely, 
the meeting of Parliament should not be accele- 
rated, but they agreed that it might be assembled 
for the purpose of deliberating upon the general 
state of the nation. 

Thus a body, not remarkable hitherto for its 



constitutional or patriotic proceedings, and always 
acting under Poyning's Law, in the obnoxious 
character of an oppressive and grinding oligarchy, 
suddenly turned repentant, even on the subject of 
a money-bill, (that rock on which they had so 
often shattered the fortunes of the state,) and they 
now evinced a spirit worthy of the occasion, and 
of their country. They disdained to make Parlia- 
ment a mere instrument to register the edicts of 
the British minister, and support a military force 
at home, unable to meet the enemy, though suffi- 
cient to overawe the people — or send their troops 
abroad to destroy freedom in America, instead of 
relieving the distresses, or restoring the rights, of 
the Irish people. They began at length to sympa- 
thize with the nation, and to imbibe somewhat of 
its patriotism, and thought the time had arrived 
for them to rouse the jaded mettle of ministerial 
honesty into a sense of public duty; they suggested 
that Parliament might assemble to consider the 
state of the nation, but should not meet for the 
solitary purpose of taxing the impoverished people 
of Ireland, who had been deprived both of trade 
and constitution, and who now were left without 
either money or protection — a beggared nation and 
an exhausted exchequer. 





(Private.) Dublin Castle, July 30, 1779. 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship having, in your private letter of the 17th 
and 19th inst., acquainted me that all monies granted by 
the British Parliament being appropriated, it was not in 
your power to remit the sum I represented to be necessary 
for the expenses of the present encampment here; and 
having desired that I should either recommend the imme- 
diate assembling of the Parliament of this kingdom, or 
assign such reasons against it as will be sufficient to 
satisfy the public of the impropriety of calling it before 
the usual time ; I appointed a meeting of such of his 
Majesty's confidential servants, and other gentlemen whom 
it has been usual to consult upon subjects of importance, 
who are now in town, to consider the matter represented 
by your Lordship, and to give me their opinion and ad- 
vice, whether it was expedient to call the Parliament 
before the usual time for the purpose of granting an imme- 
diate supply. That meeting was accordingly held yester- 
day in the Castle, and consisted of the following persons, 
viz. : — 

The Chancellor, 
Speaker, Solicitor-General, 
Provost, Deputy Vice-Treasurer, 

The Prime Serjeant, Teller of the Exchequer, 
Attorney-General, And Mr. Foster. 

I communicated to them the several proposals I had made, 
advising that the army should be cantoned rather than 
encamped, which I had recommended, from the low state 
of his Majesty's revenue, and the prospect there was of 
that proposal being adopted, until the hostile declaration 



of the Court of Spain totally changed the face of affairs, 
and rendered it necessary that an encampment should take 
place. I also informed them, that at the same time the 
orders were issued for the encampment, I had represented 
to your Lordship, that, without an immediate supply to 
defray the expenses thereof, it would be impossible for me 
to proceed ; and that in consequence of your Lordship's 
answer to that representation, I had convened them for 
their opinion and advice. 

The matter propounded at this Meeting was very fully 
debated yesterday ; and, at a second Meeting this morning, 
the Minute, which I have the honour of inclosing herewith 
to your Lordship, was unanimously agreed to, by which 
your Lordship will rind, that they earnestly recommend it to 
me as a measure of the utmost consequence to the security of 
this kingdom, to endeavour to prevail on the British ministry, 
to advance such a sum of money as may be necessary towards 
providing for its immediate defence, rather than accelerate 
the calling of Parliament merely for that purpose ; not pre- 
suming, however, to deliver any opinion upon the expe- 
diency of assembling the Parliament before the usual time, 
to deliberate upon the general state of the nation. 

As I concur with these gentlemen as to the inexpediency 
of calling the Parliament merely for this purpose, before 
the usual time of assembling, I have only to renew my 
earnest application to your Lordship for such further 
remittance of money as from the papers already trans- 
mitted to your Lordship shall appear to be necessary, as 
well for defraying the expenses of encampment as other 
military services incident to the defence of this kingdom. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 




Dublin Castle, July 29 and 30, 1779. 

His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant having desired the 
opinion of 

upon the following question, viz : 

Whether it is expedient to convene the Parliament of 
this kingdom before the usual time, for the purpose of pro- 
viding a sum of money to answer the immediate exigencies 
of Government? 

And it having been stated to them by his Excellency's 
command, that large sums were wanting to defray the ex- 
penses of encamping the troops, and to enable the army to 
keep the field, and for other immediate and most necessary 
purposes, which the treasury of this kingdom has not a 
fund to answer. 

They, taking into their consideration the great and im- 
mediate urgency of these demands, and the length of time 
that must intervene before Parliament can be assembled, 
as well as the many difficulties that may attend the raising 
of money in the present situation of affairs, do most 
earnestly recommend to his Excellency, as a measure of the 
utmost consequence to the security of this kingdom, to endea- 
vour to prevail on the British Ministry to advance such a 
sum of money as may be necessary towards providing for 
its immediate defence, rather than to accelerate the calling 
of Parliament merely for that purpose ; not presuming, 
however, to deliver any opinion upon the expediency of 

The Lord Chancellor 

Deputy Vice-Treasurer 

Prime Serjeant 
Teller of the Exchequer 

and Mr. Foster, 




assembling the Parliament before the usual time to deli- 
berate upon the general state of the nation. 

As the meeting of Parliament approached, 
Government thought proper to consult the British 
minister on the subject, and they submitted to him 
what they intended to say in the speech from the 
throne, in order to satisfy the desires of the 
people ; and the reply, as will be seen, states, that 
his Excellency had treated the several points 
u with proper caution" — The speech, in fact, pro- 
posed nothing ; it alluded invidiously to the late 
proceedings of the people throughout the kingdom, 
stating, that when trade and commerce were the 
objects of attention, it were to be wished that 
the general tranquillity would be restored ; it 
stated that the revenues had declined, that the 
treasury was too exhausted to carry the militia 
law into effect, and it suggested no redress. But 
if the letter of the Viceroy was weak and in- 
efficient, the indifference of Lord North will 
appear tenfold more censurable ; for although 
the Lord Lieutenant had not courage to animad- 
vert upon as they deserved, or even to allude to, 
the English Acts restraining the commerce of 
Ireland, and which she sought to have repealed, 
yet he forwarded the list to Lord North ; but 
the latter did not condescend even to notice 
them in the speech from the throne. They were 
as follows : — 



English Acts, restraining the Trade of Ireland: 

12 Car. II. c. 18. — Commonly called the Navigation Act. 

All commodities may be imported into Ireland upon the 

same terms as into England. 
15 Car. II. c. 7. — No goods can be exported from Ireland 

into any of the Plantations, except salt for fisheries, 

victuals, and servants. This is altered in respect to 

white and brown linens by 4 Ann. c. 8. 
22 Car. II. c. 26". — None of the enumerated commodities 

can be imported from the Plantations into Ireland. — This 

is further enforced by the Acts, 25 Car. II. c. 22; 7 & 8 

W. c. 2. 

4 Geo. II. c. 15. ; 5 Geo. II. c. 9. — The List of enumerated 

goods is increased. 
The six last-mentioned Acts are desired to be repealed, as 

far as they respect Ireland. 
10 & 11 W. c. 10. — No woollen goods can be exported 

from Ireland. This Act, too, is wished to be repealed. 
It is wished that Ireland may import from, and export to, 

the Plantations, on the same terms as England, and that 

she may be permitted to export her woollens. 


Dublin Castle, Sept. 16, 1779. 

My Lord, 

As the business to be laid before the Parliament of this 
kingdom in the ensuing Session, will probably be of as 
great extent and importance as any which ever yet came 
under their deliberation ; and, as it is my earnest desire to 
conduct the King's affairs in the manner most conformable 
to his Majesty's sentiments ; I have the honour of inclosing 
herewith to your Lordship, to be laid before his Majesty, a 


draught which I have prepared of such heads of a Speech, 
as, after consulting with such of his Majesty's confidential 
servants as are in and near Dublin, it has been deemed 
expedient to deliver to Parliament in the present state of 
this kingdom. And I beg leave to submit the same for 
such amendments and alterations as his Majesty may be 
pleased to determine. 

The three principal matters to be propounded to them 
are, first, the necessary supplies to be raised, as well for 
discharging the great arrear now standing due upon his 
Majesty's Civil and Military Establishments, as for pro- 
viding for their support to Lady Day, 1781, and for such 
extraordinaries as the safety and defence of the kingdom 
shall require at this juncture. Secondly, to state the rea- 
son why the Militia Law passed in the last Session of Par- 
liament was not carried into execution ; and to lead to 
the further consideration of that law, which/ from the 
want of proper compulsory clauses, was thought, by many 
persons, inadequate to the purposes for which it was in- 

And thirdly, as the addresses of both Houses of Par- 
liament in Great Britain to his Majesty in the last Session, 
to take into consideration the distressed and impoverished 
state of Ireland, and to direct, "that there be laid before 
Parliament, such particulars relative to the trade and 
manufactures of Great Britain and Ireland, as may enable 
the national wisdom to pursue effectual methods for pro- 
moting the common strength, wealth, and commerce of 
both kingdoms," seem to make it necessary for me to take 
some notice of that subject, I apprehend, that to pass it 
over in silence would probably be considered in England 
as an unpardonable neglect, and in Ireland, as a settled 
resolution of the English Government not to afford any relief. 
The object of those Addresses is to obtain information 




relative to the state of Ireland, and the means of re- 
lieving it. 

The private opinions which have been transmitted, how- 
ever well informed the persons are who gave them, may 
differ from the sense of the nation, which is the only solid 
foundation whereon any general system can be formed, and 
which can only be known with certainty from Parliament 
itself; and this seems to me to have been in the contem- 
plation of both Houses, though not expressed in their 

That the Parliament of Ireland will address his Majesty 
upon this subject, though no notice should be taken of it 
in the Speech, will not admit of a doubt; and an Address, 
thus taking rise from themselves, however dutifully ex- 
pressed, will have the appearance of a remonstrance, and 
may, probably, be conceived in terms by far more pointed 
than if the subject should be mentioned in the Speech. I 
would submit the propriety of its being introduced, as the 
Address may then be naturally confined within the same 
limits of expression, and any appearance of ill humour be 
prevented. This is, however, a matter of so much difficulty 
and delicacy, lest expectation may be raised too high on 
one side, or any embarrassment occasioned on the other, 
that I find myself under the necessity of requesting very 
particular instructions upon this head ; and it will afford 
me much satisfaction, if the precise terms in which it is 
wished I should treat this subject, should be inserted in 
the draught to be returned to me. 

I have industriously avoided introducing any matter 
into this draught which does not immediately relate to the 
internal concerns of this kingdom ; and I do, with great 
submission, humbly recommend particular attention to this 
caution, lest, in the present disposition of several gentle- 
men here, if opportunity were given them, of entering upon 




the discussion of external matters, it might produce a viru- 
lence of debate, exceedingly embarrassing and disagree- 
able. In this, and in whatever else it may become my 
duty to submit, I must flatter myself, that a candid con- 
struction will be put upon my zeal for his Majesty's ser- 
vice, and my wish to preserve the tranquillity of this king- 
dom, at a crisis when the difficulties of Irish governtnent 
hourly multiply. 

I shall detain your Lordship no longer, than to request 
that I may be honoured with his Majesty's instructions as 
soon as may be convenient, as this Parliament is to sit for 
the dispatch of business on the 12th of next month ; and it 
will be necessary to communicate the Speech, as intended 
to be delivered, to the confidential servants of the crown, 
and the principal friends to Government ; and to give copies 
of it to the Addressers in both Houses some days before 
the Meeting. 

I have the honour to be, Sec. 



Dublin Castle, September 16, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I have the honour of inclosing herewith to your Lordship, 
a copy of a draught of a Speech which I have prepared for 
the opening of the ensuing Session of the Parliament of 
this kingdom, together with a copy of a letter which I have 
written upon that subject to Lord Weymouth, and have 
the honour to be, &c. 





St. James's, September 24, 1779. 

My Lord, 

I have laid before the King your Excellency's letter of the 
16th instant, together with the draught of a Speech which 
you propose for the opening of the next Session of the 
Irish Parliament. This paper has, by his Majesty's com- 
mand, been taken into consideration by his Majesty's con- 
fidential servants, who are unanimous in their approbation 
of it, and think your Excellency has treated the several 
points with proper caution. His Majesty has approved of 
their opinion, and I have not in command any alterations 
to propose, or additions to make, to the draught you trans- 
mitted to me. 

Your Excellency, certainly, judges very properly in not 
introducing any matter into the draught which does not 
immediately relate to the internal concerns of the kingdom 
of Ireland. And I cannot doubt that your Excellency will 
use every proper means in your power, that the various and 
important concerns that are likely to be the subject of 
debate in the ensuing Session, should be discussed with 
proper regard to the mutual advantage of both countries. 

I am, &c. 




Critical state of Ireland. — Mr. Grattan and his friends concert measures 
for her relief.— Meeting for that purpose. — Mr. Daly's illness. — Two 
addresses prepared. — Mr. Daly's approved and moved in the House 
by Mr. Grattan. — Agreed to with alterations. — The Government taken 
by surprise. — Opening of Mr. Grattan's career. — Parliamentary 
anecdotes of Flood, Burgh, Pery, and Grattan. — Subsequent pro- 
ceedings. — The Lord Chancellor and Lord Annaly. — The Lord 
Lieutenant to Lord Weymouth on the recent events. — The same to the 
same. — Imprudence of Government. — Non-controul of the English 
legislature over Ireland. — Volunteer question. — Reply of the King. — 
Commanding attitude of the volunteers. — Rejoicing of the people. — 
Demonstrations of revolt. — Scott and Yelverton. — Address to the Lord 
Lieutenant. — Taxes refused. — Brilliant speech of Mr. Burgh and its 
consequences. — His retirement from office and death. — Character of 
the Lord Chief Baron Burgh. 

The affairs of Ireland being reduced to such a 
critical state, as appears from the events before 
narrated, and the letters just disclosed, Mr. Burgh, 
Mr. Daly, and Mr. Grattan determined to exert 
every means for the relief of the country, and 
make still greater efforts to assist her trade and 
her manufactures. They accordingly agreed to 
press the question at the approaching Session of 
Parliament, which was fixed for the 12th Octo- 


ber. They appointed to meet at Bray, a small 
town on the sea- coast, about ten miles from 
Dublin, and there to make the necessary arrange- 
ments. As they were sitting on the sea -shore, 
forming their plans, Mr. Daly was suddenly at- 
tacked by illness, and was obliged to leave the 
conference, so that the plan of proceeding was 
left to Mr. Grattan and Mr. Burgh. 

Mr. Grattan had drawn up an address, and 
Mr. Daly another. Mr. Grattan's address con- 
tained more matter, and was more in detail, more 
eloquently and elaborately prepared ; Mr. Daly's 
was shorter, and less oratoric. The latter had 
been shown to Mr. Pery, who had made some 
alterations on it. Mr. Grattan at once recognised 
the hand-writing, which to him was a great re- 
commendation, and accordingly he gave a ready 
acquiescence, and adopted it in preference to his 
own. They then arranged to get some young 
member of family and consequence to support it, 
in order to attach him to their party, and Lord 
Westport was selected for the occasion. 

Meantime Government was not idle or inactive; 
they had resorted to various stratagems to prevent 
any effort from being made in favour of the 
people, and in order to secure unanimity to their 
address, which in truth meant nothing further 
than was generally to be found in the ordinary 
and evasive phraseology of court rhetoric. Ac- 
cordingly, when the Parliament assembled, and 


as Mr. Grattan was going into the House, he met 
Mr. Yelverton, who told him that the Govern- 
ment were to propose a good address ; that it 
alluded somewhat to the question of trade, and 
would not meet with his opposition or that of his 
friends. Mr. Grattan replied that he had an 
amendment, and that he would not yield ; that 
the address gave them words and nothing more, 
and he would persevere in pressing his amend- 
ment to it. The Ponsonbys and the rest of the 
party agreed in opinion with Mr. Yelverton. But 
Mr. Grattan went on and proposed the amend- 
ment, which was seconded by Lord Westport ; — 
Mr. Bushe and Mr. Forbes spoke in its favour ; 
and Mr. Burgh said he approved of the prin- 
ciple. Mr. Grattan immediately asked Mr. Burgh 
whether he spoke on the part of the Government. 
He answered, he spoke his own sentiments, and 
those of an influential body, whom he represented 
(the College), and that if the commencement was 
somewhat altered, he would vote for it. He 
added, that he held a place under Government, 
but that he owed a duty to his country, and 
that he would always support her. Mr. Conolly, 
brother-in-law to the Lord Lieutenant, and who 
professed to represent the country party in the 
House, and took usually the lead of the country 
gentlemen, then stated that if the preamble was 
omitted he would support it also. Mr. Burton 
Conyngham, who aspired to the same post that 

c c 

386 mr. grattan's amendment [chap. XVII. 

Mr. Conolly considered he held, and not wishing 
to be outdone by him, also signified his assent. 

This preamble recited the grievances that op- 
pressed the country, many of which the members 
of the Government were the authors of, and it 
could not be expected they would condemn them- 
selves ; but as the object was to show that the 
people were in the right, it was thought necessary 
to enter into some details, to rouse and encourage 
them, and justify the proceedings that they had 
taken. Anxious, therefore, to get the powerful 
support of these individuals, so highly connected 
and so influential in the country, and also to 
secure Mr. Burgh, who was prime serjeant, and 
who formerly had been the leading minister in 
the House, Mr. Grattan at once yielded, and 
adopted the suggestion. 

Mr. Flood then spoke, and requested that the 
proposition should be rendered still more concise, 
and instead of the words of Mr. Burgh, " Free 
Export and Import " (which Mr. Grattan had 
adopted), to say merely " Free Trade" This 
also was assented to, and Mr. Grattan accordingly 
consented to withdraw the former motion, pro- 
vided the amendment thus altered was agreed to. 
This proposition was approved of, and the Govern- 
ment were thus taken by surprise, their party was 
scattered, and the House, struck by the novelty 
of the support of Mr. Conolly, Mr. Burton Conyng- 
ham and Mr. Burgh, passed the amendment with 
only one dissentient voice. 




Mr. Foster, in accordance with the views of the 
Government, proposed a committee, which was 
not assented to, and the meaning of which was, 
a grave wherein to bury the question. 

It is curious to observe upon what chances 
great measures depend, and to what hazard they 
are exposed, and what slight events (either the 
unbending spirit of an individual, or his accom- 
modating disposition), may endanger or secure 
the rights and happiness of a people. This was 
the real commencement of Mr. Grattan's career. 
His friends were against him, and had they per- 
suaded him to acquiesce in the Government 
address, and not to press his amendment, perhaps 
neither the free trade nor the independence of the 
country would at that period have been obtained ; 
and if he had resisted the suggestions of his 
party, the amendment might have been lost. 
Mr. Grattan had the merit of proposing and press- 
ing the measure, against the advice and request 
of his friends ; Mr. Burgh had the merit of im- 
proving on the motion ; and Mr. Flood had the 
merit of completing the proposition. The latter 
would have got more credit for the part he took 
in the business, had it not been that he was so 
anxious to obtain it all ; for on a subsequent occa- 
sion, when speaking of that night's debate, he 
alluded to the part which Mr. Burgh and Mr. 
Grattan had taken in the transaction, and ex- 
claimed, in one of his bursts of grave yet impas- 

c c 2 




sioned eloquence — " When these flowers shall have 
faded away, the oak that has been planted will flou- 
rish for ever." Mr. Burgh, who was at the time 
sitting next to Mr. Grattan, was angry at the 
assumption, and turning to him, observed — " See 
Flood's jealousy— he wants to rob us, and deprive 
me of the merit of my amendment. Now I shall 
disappoint him;" and accordingly Mr. Burgh got 
up, and replied — " The honourable member is 
right — he certainly had the merit of introducing 
the two words 6 Free Trade] instead of the four 
words, ' Free Export and Import ' — he suggested 
the former, and I withdrew the latter." The 
House laughed, and Mr. Flood could say nothing 
in reply. 

There was another amusing circumstance took 
place during this debate, and which Mr. Grattan 
used to relate with great pleasantry. " When 
1 made my motion on Free Trade, the members 
attacked me ; they used always to do so ; they 
ridiculed my motion, and said that it was a juve- 
nile composition ; that it was weak, puerile, the 
production of a young mind, and that nothing 
could come of it. Lord Pery, who corrected it, 
was in the chair ; the amendment was handed to 
him ; and when he saw his own handwriting, he 
began to smile. Daly, and myself, who knew 
the cause, could not refrain from laughing when 
we looked at the Speaker's countenance, who 
was listening with the profoundest gravity to the 




abuse of the motion, and to the charges of boyish 
composition ; and when the business was over, 
Pery, Daly, and myself, enjoyed the recollection 
of the scene, and talked it over with great mirth ; 
Pery highly delighted, and laughing most exceed- 

This address, thus amended, having passed 
the Commons, was brought up to the Lord Lieu- 
tenant, at the Castle, by the entire House. The 
streets were lined by the volunteers, commanded 
by the Duke of Leinster; they presented arms as 
the Speaker and the Members appeared and 
passed through their numerous ranks, amidst the 
joy and resounding applause of the delighted peo- 
ple, who thronged around from all quarters, 
enraptured at a sight so novel and so strange ; 
their Parliament becoming popular, and their 
trade becoming free. Government were much 
annoyed at this proceeding, and complained of 
the conduct of the Duke of Leinster ; but affairs 
had arrived nearly at a crisis, and the interference 
of the people had become not only desirable, 
but indispensable. Fortunately, they had a good 
cause; and equally fortunate, was it that they had 
prudent commanders. Accordingly, Mr. Conolly 
next day moved in the House a vote of thanks to 
the volunteers, for their spirited and necessary exer- 
tions for the defence of the country ; this was 
seconded by Mr. Ponsonby, and carried unanir 




Even the House of Lords, hitherto a sleepy 
assembly, and who had not adopted any amend- 
ment in favour of free trade, did not remain un- 
moved, at this eventful moment; the Duke of 
Leinster made a similar motion next day in favour 
of the volunteers, which also was passed, though 
not without the opposition of the Lord Chancellor 
(Lifford*), and Lord Annaly. 

At these proceedings the Government were 
much incensed. They thought the appearance of 
the volunteers improper, and the thanks of both 
Houses equally so ; and they communicated the 
account of their proceedings to the ministry in 
England. It was seldom that a Lord Lieutenant 
of Ireland had such rare and such popular intel- 
ligence to convey to a British minister, as the 
spirit and integrity of the House of Commons, and 
though probably not very palatable to either 
party, he performed the task without animadver- 
sion or discourtesy ; but his disapprobation of the 
conduct of the Duke of Leinster, on the occasion 
of presenting the address, shows the stern rule he 
had laid down for his government, wherever Irish 
interests were concerned. 

* Mr. Hewitt. He had been Sergeant-at-Law and Member of Parlia- 
ment for Coventry in England, where he spoke well on a question of 
evidence regarding Mr. Wilkes in 1764. He was created a Judge in 
the Court of King's Bench, and in 1767 Lord Chancellor of Ireland; 
in 1768 created Baron Lifford. lie died in 1789, and was succeeded by 
Lord Clare. 





( Private.) Dublin Castle, October 13, 1779. 

My Lord, 

As the transactions of yesterday have turned out differently 
from what I had reason to expect, I think it incumbent 
upon me to give your Lordship an account of what passed 
in the House of Commons, as well as of the steps which 
were taken by me previous to the meeting of the Par- 

On the 9th instant the following persons met at Sir 
Richard Heron's apartment, in the Castle, in order to con- 
sider and prepare the Addresses to His Majesty and the 
Lord Lieutenant, viz. 

The Primate, The Provost, 

The Chancellor, Attorney General, 

Archbishop of Dublin, Solicitor General, 
Archbishop of Cashell, and 
The Speaker, Mr. Foster. 

And there was another Meeting upon the 11th, of the 
above persons, and of 

Lord Chief Justice Paterson, 
Mr. Beresford, 

Mr. Clements, the Deputy Vice Treasurer, 

And Mr. Burton, the Teller. 
At these Meetings it was agreed that Mr. Foster should, 
in speaking to the Address to the King, as the most 
effectual method of opposing any Amendments, give notice 
of his intention to move for a Committee to inquire into the 
distressed and impoverished state of the Nation, (those words 
were thought the least exceptionable, as being the same that 
were made use of in the Resolution of the British House of 
Commons, the 26th of May last) and that the same motion 




should be made in the House of Lords ; and all the gentle- 
men who attended these meetings were unanimous in their 
approbation of the proposed measures. 

The Prime Sergeant remained in the country, declining 
to attend any meeting, although summoned. Mr. Flood 
came to town at my desire, but refused to attend these 
meetings, and absolutely refused to see Sir Robert Heron, 
who repeatedly wrote to him for that purpose. 

The Duke of Leinster, Mr. Flood, and the Prime Ser- 
geant, refused to attend me on Sunday night, at the usual 
meeting, to read the Speech. 

After the Address to His Majesty was moved yesterday 
in the House of Commons, Mr. Grattan proposed a special 
amendment, which concluded with a requisition of a Free 
Export. In opposing Mr. Grattan's amendment, Mr. 
Foster mentioned his intention of moving for the Com- 
mittee, and upon this ground the Amendment was opposed 
by the Provost, the Attorney General, and Mr. Foster, 
with great zeal and ability. Sir Henry Cavendish spoke 
substantially against the amendment, but proposed that 
the Parliament should depute some of their Members to 
treat with the Parliament of Great Britain, which idea was 
generally disrelished, and scouted by the Provost. After 
the business had been debated many hours, upon Mr. 
Grattan's amendment, the Prime Sergeant proposed a 
short amendment for opening the ports, which he sup- 
ported in the strongest terms, and to the utmost of his 
abilities. Mr. Flood, the Vice Treasurer, spoke for the 
necessity of an amendment, and that it ought to go to a 
Free Trade, for that he thought Ireland could not ask for 
less, but that it was for Great Britain to judge what she 
could, consistently with her own interest, grant. 

At the opening of the Debate upon the Prime Sergeant's 
amendment, Sir Richard Heron, in order to prevent our 


friends being imposed upon by the sentiments of the Prime 
Sergeant, or Mr. Flood, who from their offices might other- 
wise have misled many of the friends of Government, took 
occasion in the most direct, and peremptory terms, to ex- 
press his disapprobation of both amendments; rejecting 
the Prime Sergeant's as more exceptionable than the 
former, and expressed his approbation of Mr. Foster's 
motion, as more likely to obtain some effectual ex- 
tension of commerce, than by the Address to His 
Majesty with either of the amendments, which could not 
but be attended with mischievous consequences to both 

After the subject had been debated for some time, Mr. 
Grattan, at the desire of many gentlemen in opposition, 
consented to withdraw his motion, upon condition that 
the Prime Sergeant would alter his amendment from the 
words H opening the Ports 99 to the words " a Free Trade:" 
this occasioned a new debate, in which the amendment 
was supported by Mr. Conolly (who would have opposed 
Mr. Grattan's amendment), and by Mr. Ponsonby, and 
many other gentlemen. The servants of the Crown being 
of opinion that the most advisable way of getting rid of 
the amendment was by the previous question, it was 
moved accordingly by Mr. Mason; but the Speaker, although 
he admitted that there was one instance in the Journals in 
which the previous question had been put upon a similar 
occasion, gave his opinion that the mode was not proper, 
on which Mr. Mason immediately withdrew his motion. 
The Provost then told Sir Richard Heron that he could not 
give a negative to the proposition of a Free Trade. 

The impression made by the Prime Sergeant and Mr. 
Flood, high in office, gave resolution and strength to many 
of their inferiors ; and the very strong terms in which Mr. 
Conolly supported the Prime Sergeant's amendment, drew 

394 mr. grattan's amendment [chap. XVII. 

after them the whole body of country gentlemen, who used 
to support the Government. The Provost, Mr. Foster, 
Mr. Burton, and Sir Henry Cavendish, spoke in support of 
it, and Mr. Clements, the Dep. Vice-Treasurer, acquainted 
Sir Richard Heron that his brother must also support it. 
The greatest part of the country gentlemen, usually friends 
to Government, as I have said, and many of the gentlemen 
in office, sent him notice that they must support the 
amendment. Lord Shannon very honourably offered to 
oppose it, but said, his friends would think it very hard to 
be dragged into a division with a very contemptible mi- 
nority, for the purpose of being beaten against an amend- 
ment, which it was the general sense of the House ought 
to be supported. And the Attorney General and Mr. 
Beresford also offered to divide against it, but were of 
opinion that it would expose the great weakness of Ad- 
ministration, and tend to injure English and Irish Govern- 
ment, as well as to hold forth the very few persons deter- 
mined to follow the Secretary to the resentment of the 
nation; and therefore it was thought advisable, and pressed 
upon the Secretary, both openly and privately, by several 
of the attached friends of the Government, to comply with 
the wishes and entreaties of the House, and submit to the 
amendment without a division ; to which, though contrary 
to his expressed sentiments, delivered by him decidedly 
against it, and after having assured all his friends of his 
determination to oppose it, he was, at eleven o'clock at 
night, prevailed upon by the general importunity, though 
very reluctantly, to acquiesce. 

Your Lordship may depend upon receiving early and 
regular accounts of any further proceedings that may be 
worthy of your attention. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 






(Private.) Dublin Castle, 14 Oct., 1779. 

My Lord, 

Mr. Conolly made a motion yesterday (a copy of which 
is enclosed) that the thanks of the House of Commons 
should be given to the volunteer corps; and although 
the servants of the crown thought the motion very excep- 
tionable, yet they did not, in the present temper, deem the 
opposing it prudent ; it therefore passed unanimously. 

I hope however, that any ill effects which might be ap- 
prehended from the motion will be weakened, if not pre- 
vented, by the manner in which these companies are 
mentioned in the address of the same day of the House of 
Commons to me. 

The Duke of Leinster made a similar motion to-day in 
the House of Lords, a copy of which is also enclosed, and 
it was carried without a division, but not without the dis- 
sent of the Lord Chancellor, and Lord Annaly, who, though 
they admitted the use of these corps for preserving the in- 
ternal peace of the country, took the occasion to deliver 
their sentiments very fully on the illegality of raising such 
corps. The Lords, however, directed their resolution to be 
sent by their clerk to the different governors of counties. 
This day the Houses of Lords and Commons waited upon 
me at the Castle, with their respective addresses, when the 
corps of the Dublin Volunteers, under arms, lined the 
streets, as the Houses of Lords and Commons passed and 
repassed. I understand this was meant as a particular 
compliment to the Speaker. 

I received an intimation yesterday evening of this de- 
sign, and immediately sent Sir Richard Heron to the 
Speaker, to request he would use his influence for preven- 



ting it. He expressed great disapprobation of the measure, 
but said he should not be able to prevent it, and that it was 
his opinion no notice should be taken of it ; that if they 
observed it was disagreeable to Government, it might become 
of more consequence. This proceeding was occasioned 
wholly by the Duke of Leinster. He commands one of 
the corps, and wrote letters to the different officers de- 
siring their attendance: several of his friends endeavoured 
to dissuade him, but could not prevail. The House of 
Commons have this day adjourned until the 1st day of 
November next. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 


It happened, unfortunately for the character of 
the British Government, that a measure of theirs 
which occurred at this moment, perhaps through 
inadvertence as well as imprudence, served to in- 
crease the popular ferment. In the last session of 
Parliament, an English Act had imposed upon 
Ireland a duty of four-pence a pound on teas im- 
ported. The Irish Commissioners of Revenue had 
refused to enforce the payment of the duty, as it 
was not authorised by an Irish Act of Parliament. 
On the 24th November, Mr. Grattan observed, 
that Government were understood to sanction this 
Act, by imposing a duty conformable thereto. 
The Attorney General stated that the case was 
singular — that it was a mere matter of expediency. 

This unfortunate answer opened the entire 
question of legislation. Mr. Daly, Mr. Grattan, 



Mr. Yelverton, and Mr. Bushe, took fire at this. 
The Act was produced in which the English legis- 
lature assumed to bind Ireland, and they all de- 
clared that they would oppose a measure that had 
even the appearance of co-operating in such an 

At length the Attorney General gave up the 
point of law and of right, declaring that he was 
not a champion of English Acts of Parliament, 
and he disclaimed their legislative authority over 
Ireland. Coming from so high a quarter, this was 
a prodigious step in advance. 

A few days afterwards a most important ques- 
tion was brought forward, respecting the arming 
the volunteers. Sir Richard Johnson reported 
from the Committee appointed to enquire into the 
condition and number of the militia arms, that 
there were 10,000 stand of arms not distributed. 
Mr. Robert Stewart presented a petition from the 
county of Down, signed by the sheriff, praying 
that these arms might be distributed among the 
volunteers. Parliament had voted last year 30,000 
fire-locks for the militia, not for the standing army, 
and he made a motion accordingly. The secre- 
tary, Sir Richard Heron, stated that arms had 
been issued to the volunteers of each county, to 
the amount of 500 each. The Provost (Hutch- 
inson) did not oppose it, but he said he viewed 
the demand for arms as rather mysterious ; but he 
praised the volunteer corps, declaring at the same 
time he hoped the measure would not be pressed. 




The motion was in consequence withdrawn, but 
it, however, produced its effect, and gave addi- 
tional confidence to the people, when they saw 
that their proceedings were so regarded and pro- 
tected by Parliament. 

The King's answer to the Address on Free 
Trade, so anxiously looked for, at length arrived. 
It stated " his sincere concern for the distresses of 
Ireland ; his affectionate attention to their inter- 
ests, and his constant readiness to concur in such 
measures as shall upon mature consideration, 
appear most conducive to the general welfare of 
all his subjects.''' 

This reply, which might have meant any thing, 
would probably have ended in nothing, had it not 
been for the resolute spirit and conduct of the 
volunteers. They were determined the country 
should be duped no longer. Accordingly Mr. 
Chapman, a gentleman of extensive property and 
considerable weight in the country, on moving an 
enquiry into the state of the revenue of the king- 
dom, observed, that the country was now in arms, 
and that if the House did not right them, they 
would right themselves. 

Mr. Yelverton said that the wounds which the 
constitution had received from England required 
a styptic, and the time to apply it was the present, 
when a spirit of discussion had risen within, and 
a spirit of resistance had gone abroad. 

An attempt was now made by the Attorney 
General (Scott) to restrain the volunteers, and he 




inveighed against them in an unsparing manner ; 
but this only served to extend the flame. Mr. 
Grattan warmly defended their conduct, and con- 
tended that, as citizens, they had a right to direct 
their representatives on the leading subjects on 
which the nation was so interested. 

The freeholders of the several counties, and the 
armed associations, assembled, and instructed 
their representatives not to vote for a Money Bill 
longer than six months. Those of the county 
Limerick instructed them to vote against a Union. 
Even at that early period they foresaw what might 
happen, and universally resolved, that a free trade 
alone could save their country. 

It is to be remarked, that peace and order 
reigned throughout the kingdom, and the volun- 
teers contributed in every way to preserve it. At 
this time, their numbers were supposed to amount 
to 42,000 men ; giving to their country an inde- 
pendent air, a glow of zeal, a deliberative and 
modest courage. Their dispositions were more 
clearly manifested at the anniversary of King 
William's birth day, the 4th November. The 
volunteers of Dublin and the adjacent districts 
paraded round the statue in College Green, under 
the orders of the Duke of Leinster. The sides of 
the pillars were ornamented with emblems and 
devices, that spoke a language too plain to be mis- 
understood. On one was written, on a shield em- 
blazoned in large letters, " relief to Ireland ;" on 



the second, " the volunteers of Ireland — quin- 


mori ;" on the third, " a short money bill — a free 
trade or else ; " and on the fourth, "the glo- 
rious revolution." In frontwere two field-pieces, 
with this inscription affixed to each, "a free 
trade or this !" The volleys of musketry, the dis- 
charge of artillery, were re-echoed by the cheers 
and shouts of thousands of the people, who 
thronged around the troops, and communicated 
their joy from street to street, not merely to the 
precincts of the Castle, but throughout the metro- 
polis. Though they assembled round the statue 
of William, every distinction on account of colour 
or creed, was forgotten ; the Williamite and the 
Jacobite united in the affection they bore to their 
country. No domestic feuds at that time divided 
the nation ; and fortunately for her, party emblems 
were not then assumed as a test of loyalty — or 
bigotry as a proof of religion. At night the city 
was illuminated, and the joy at the success of Mr. 
Grattan's motion in Parliament, was universal. 
The event was commemorated by striking off a 
print, in which the Duke of Leinster, Lord Charle- 
mont, Mr. Burgh, Mr. Yelverton, Mr. Grattan, 
and Mr. Fitzgibbon, are represented on the oc- 

These plain and explicit intimations were ac- 
companied by an event which threw matters into 
still greater agitation. The people of Dublin, 




pistols and swords, stopped a number of the 
Members on their way to the House of Commons, 
in order to make them vote for a Short Money 
Bill and against new taxes. They stopped the 
Speaker's carriage, and tendered to him an oath, 
to make him vote for the Bill and for the rights of 
Ireland. Some of them attacked the house of the 
Attorney-General — others went to the Law Courts 
in search of him. The military were called out, 
still the people refused to disperse. The troops 
were ordered back to their quarters ; but the 
Lawyers' corps of volunteers, mixing among the 
people, at length induced them to retire quietly 
to their homes. 

Mr. Scott went down to the House, and com- 
plained of the conduct of the people ; — he proposed 
that they should resort to strong resolutions against 
such tumultuous meetings ; — in short, he made a 
terror-speech against the volunteers. 

Mr. Yelverton defended them, and ridiculed 
the fears of the Attorney-General ; upon which 
Scott called him the " Se/iesc/ial of sedition." 
The latter retaliated, and, much more appropri- 
ately, termed Scott the " uniform drudge of every 
Administration ." 

Mr. Grattan observed, " Here I would recom- 
mend to the people moderation above all things ; 
nor should I wish to waste one single spark of 
public fire, by any unavailing act of violence or 
tumult, which would disgust the moderate, and 

D D 


mr. grattan's motion [chap. XVII. 

terrify the timid; — certain that, by calmly per- 
sisting in their humble and just desires, they will 
associate in their support all ranks of men." 

It was agreed that an address should be pre- 
sented to the Lord Lieutenant, praying him to 
offer a reward for the apprehension of the rioters. 
Accordingly proclamations were issued offering 
the sum of 500/. 

On the 24th, the important question which was 
to test the sincerity of the House as to their de- 
mands for free trade, was brought forward, and 
Mr. Grattan proposed the following short and 
decisive resolution : " That at this time it would 
be inexpedient to grant new taxes." This was 
carried by 170 to 47, being an unprecedented 
majority of 123 over the Government. 

This success was quickly followed up by the 
patriots, and on the ensuing day, when the House 
had resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, it 
was moved that the appropriated duties should be 
granted for six months only. This too was carried, 
notwithstanding all the exertions of Government — 
the numbers being 138 to 100 ; the Government 
being abandoned by its principal supporters, and 
strenuously opposed by Mr. Forbes, Mr. Yelver- 
ton, Mr. Grattan, Mr. Latouche, Mr. Fitzgibbon, 
Mr. Brownlow, Mr. Isaac Corry, and Mr. Daly. 

It was on this debate, that Mr. Burgh, then 
Prime Sergeant, made his brilliant speech, which 
produced such electric effect in the House and 



galleries, but which, in the Viceroy's letter, is 
termed ** great violence." They rose in -a mass, 
and cheered him repeatedly, as he concluded. — 
" Talk not to me," said he, " of peace ; Ireland is 
not in a state of peace ; it is smothered tear. Eng- 
land has sown her laws like dragons' teeth, and 
they have sprung up in armed men." 

The courtiers were alarmed, and in vain strove 
to appease the clamour. The words " smothered 
war," excited the disapprobation of Mr. Conoily. 
Sir Henry Cavendish called upon the Government 
to uphold the dignity of the House, and insisted 
on clearing all the galleries ; and his ardour was 
with difficulty restrained. 

This speech deprived the Prime Sergeant of his 
office. He was too high-minded to receive a salary 
from a Government which he found it necessary 
to oppose ; and a few days afterwards he sent in 
his resignation. To this circumstance, Mr. Grat- 
tan alludes, in his reply to Lord Clare's pamphlet 
in 1800, where he beautifully says, " the gates of 
promotion were shut, as those of glory opened." 

After 1782, he was appointed Chief Baron of the 
Exchequer; he lived but for a short time, almost too 
short to prove that he would have been as great an 
ornament to the judicial bench, as he had been to 
the House of Commons — in both he did honour to 
his country. 

Walter Hussey Burgh, whose conduct was thus 
conspicuous, was a remarkable personage. He was 

d d 2 



an ardent lover of his country, and a man of in- 
corruptible principles ; an excellent speaker, an 
excellent House of Commons' man. He was 
most polished in his manners, but rather vain. 
He spoke often, and was perhaps the most 
brilliant man in the House, and the best cal- 
culator of questions. He knew better than any 
man how to collect the sense of all parties, and to 
shape a motion that would unite their sentiments, 
and please them all. He used to say of himself, 
what was perfectly true, that he would suck out 
their brains. His wit was satirical, without being 
too severe. He possessed great knowledge, and 
was a most powerful Member of Parliament ; so 
much so, that he was termed, and justly, the Cicero 
of the senate. By his superior art, he avoided all 
disputes ; he steered clear of any personal alterca- 
tion, and was too skilful a fencer to expose his 
person. In reply he was excellent, and he thought 
on his legs better than Daly ; he had more wit, 
more humour, more application ; but in voice and 
manner he was not so pleasing nor so effective. 
When Daly was prepared, he would have sur- 
passed Burgh. Daly's best speech would have 
been better than Burgh's ; but the every-day 
speeches of Burgh were infinitely better than 
those of Daly. He had practised much in the 
courts of law, and had been spoiled in conse- 
quence. The noise in the street being great (the 
courts then bordered upon it) he found it neces- 




sary to speak very loud, and all modulation and 
softness of tones were lost, so that his voice was 
injured by his exertions at the bar. 

Burgh had a fine figure; and he studied action, 
— so much so, that he was called an " attitudina- 
?ian." The conclusion of one of his speeches, 
before alluded to, produced almost a magical effect; 
"You think it is peace! No; (striking his breast) it 
is smothered war. You have sown your laws like 
dragons' teeth, and they have sprung up in armed 
men." He delivered this in a fine manner and 
commanding air, and it was felt and received with 
a burst of enthusiasm. 

Burgh, however, was afraid of Mr. Grattan's 
proceeding so far in 1780. He dreaded the power of 
England; he, as well asYelverton, had been softened 
by Lord Buckinghamshire, and his ardour some- 
what cooled, and he feared to encourage the volun- 
teers, lest the two countries should be committed. 
He probably would have stopped at 1779, when 
free trade had been obtained; but afterwards, when 
the question of independence was brought on, he 
supported it nobly, — he gave up all hopes of pre- 
ferment, and a second time sacrificed himself, 
rather than sacrifice his principles. Mr. Grattan 
had fixed the motion for the 19th of April, and 
having heard that Mr. Burgh's health would pre- 
vent him from attending, he wrote to him that the 
question would come on, and that he hoped it 


hussey burgh; 

[chap. XVII. 

would receive his support. Burgh's reply was 
prompt and decisive ; — " I shall attend, and if it 
were my last vote, I shall give it in favour of my 

If Mr. Burgh had voted against this motion 
he was sure of being highly promoted. When the 
debate came on, he spoke very well; and, after he 
had finished, he turned to Mr. Grattan, and said, 
t( I have now sacrificed the greatest honour an 
Irishman can aim at." He had lost office before 
on account of his vote in favour of Ireland, and he 
knew, that if he had now voted against the ques- 
tion of independence, he would have been pro- 
moted with full powers ; but he gave up all per- 
sonal consideration to that of the people ; and 
though he was fond of glory, and would sacrifice 
much to it, the love of money and the love of 
power yielded to that of ambition and his country. 
A rare and splendid example to posterity ! ! 

Burgh was appointed Prime Sergeant on the 
death of Mr. Dennis, in 1777, and held the office 
till 1779, when his support of Mr. Grattan's motion 
for free trade caused him to resign. He practised 
at the bar with much celebrity and great success ; 
he died at the age of forty, in 1783, shortly after 
his elevation to the bench. Mr. Flood, in alluding 
to his death, spoke highly in his praise :— " A 
man dead to every thing but his own honour and 
the grateful memory of his country— a man over 
whose life or grave envy never hovered— a man 




ardently wishing to serve his country himself, but 
not wishing to monopolize the service — wishing to 
partake and communicate the glory — my noble 
friend — I beg pardon — he did not live to be enno- 
bled by patent — he was ennobled by nature." 

It is a matter of regret that nothing remains of 
Burgh's speeches or law arguments, — his opinion 
in the case of Lord Anglesea excepted, which is 
good, and does him credit. He was fond of parade 
and show, and used to drive about with six horses, 
and three out-riders. His extravagance was great, 
and he therefore died in distressed circumstances ; 
but the nation paid his debts, and pensioned his 

Mr. Grattan proposed this grant as a debt due 
by the country for his integrity and his patriotism, 
and a mark of respect for his talents and pub- 
lic services. Allusion is made to it in the letter 
from Lord Temple, then Lord Lieutenant, where 
a just tribute of praise is tendered to the memory 
of this distinguished individual. 


Stowe, October 24, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 

Though the family of Lord Chief Baron Burgh have 
thought it necessary to acknowledge my last letter to him, 
I feel that neither he nor they could owe to me the smallest 
obligation for the part I took in the transaction which it 
states ; but I prize much too highly the task of lamenting 



with that family the loss which the public and his friends 
have suffered, not to thank you for the opportunity which 
you have given me. In the language of cool but of bitter 
reflection, I must always say, that there is not the man in 
Ireland whose knowledge, virtues, and character, can 
enable him to do that service to the empire which our 
lamented friend had the means of doing, if his talents had 
been called properly into the service of the State. No one 
had that steady decided weight which he possessed in the 
judgment and affections of his country, and no one had 
more decidedly that inflexible and constitutional integrity 
which the times and circumstances peculiarly call for. 

My letter to him speaks my feelings upon the transac- 
tion which it states, and I have expressed my wish to Mr. 
T. Burgh, that it may be preserved as a testimony, not 
discrediting to either of us. The feelings of regret for his 
loss are softened to his family by the testimony of the pub- 
lic in favour of those orphans, now their adopted children. 
Suffer me to share in the satisfaction which his friends 
must feel in the receiving of it, and to assure you, that I 
have not regretted my resignation till the moment in 
which I saw that the vote had left the final arrangement of 
this business to the Lord Lieutenant. 

I will only detain you to repeat to you the assurance of 
the high esteem which I always felt for your character, 
and to thank you again for the assistance which your com- 
munication gave to me in Ireland. With these sensations, 
I am very truly, 

Dear Sir, 

Your very faithful and obedient servant, 
Nugent Temple. 


The matters contained in the following Appen- 
dix are introduced with a view to show the con- 
stitutional spirit that existed in Ireland, and the 
various efforts made to regain the rights and free- 
dom of the country, to which she set up in legal 
parlance a continual claim. 

The records from whence they are taken are au- 
thentic, but seldom referred to. 




[July 21st, 1634.] 
A Committee of Grievances was appointed, — that six select 
persons draw up the heads of the propositions made to the 
Committee of Grievances, and certify them to the House, that 
the House may present them to the Lord Deputy (Strafford). 

[August 1st, 1634.] 
Ordered — that the Graces and Instructions reported by the 
Committee of six, as necessary to be passed as laws, be pre- 
sented to the Lord Deputy, to recommend to the Committees of 
the Council Board, to be drawn into form of Acts to be trans- 
mitted to England. 


[January 20th, 1640.] 

1. To move His Majesty for the passing of a bill for the 
further explanation of Poyning's Act. 

2. That the Commons during Parliament may draw up Bills 
by their own Committee, and transmit them. 



3. To prevent the inconveniences sustained by farming the 
King's Customs. 

4. To prevent the inconveniences sustained by sale of licenses 
to export commodities prohibited by statute. 

5. To prevent the cessing of kindred with soldiers, when any 
of their sept do shun the course of law, until he be brought in. 

6. To establish by Act of Parliament, the instructions for re- 
gulating the Courts of Justice. 


[February 16th, 1640.] 
The Queries ordered to be entered among the ordinances of 
the House, and also presented to the Lords ? 

Questions wherein the House of Commons humbly desires that 
the House of Lords would be pleased to require the Judges to 
deliver their resolutions. 

1. Whether the subjects of this Kingdom be a free people, 
and to be governed only by the common laws of England, and 
statutes in this kingdom. 

2. Whether the Judges of this land take the oath of Judges* 
and if so, whether, under pretext of any state, or direction of the 
Great or Privy Seal, or command from the Chief Governor of 
this kingdom, they may hinder, stay, or delay the suit of any 
subject ? 

3. Whether the Privy Council, with the Chief Governor, or 
without him, be a place of judicature by the common laws ? 

4. The like of the Chief Governor alone ? 

5. Whether grants of monopolies be warranted by the law, 
and of what ? 

6. In what cases the Chief Governor and Council may punish 
by fine, imprisonment, mutilation, pillory, or otherwise, &c? 

7. Of what force is an Act of State in this kingdom, &c. ? 

8. Are the subjects of this kingdom subject to the martial 
law, &c. ? 

9. Whether voluntary oaths taken before arbitrators for affir- 



mance or disaffirmance of any thing, be punishable in the Castle 
Chamber, or elsewhere, and why ? 

10. By what law none is remitted to reducement of fines and 
penalties in the Castle Chamber, without confessing the offence 
charged against him, though, in fact, he is innocent ? 

11. Whether the Judges of the King's Bench, or any other 
Judge of Gaol Delivery, can deny the copies of indictments of 
felony, to the parties accused? 

12. What power the Barons of the Exchequer have to raise the 
respite of homage arbitrarily, to what height they please, &c. ? 

13. Whether appealing to His Majesty for redress of injuries 
be censurable ? 

14. Whether the Deans or other Dignitaries of Cathedral 
Churches, be not elective or collative ? 

15. Whether issuing quo warrantos against ancient boroughs, 
to shew cause why they sent burgesses, be legal ? 

16. By what law are jurors, who give verdicts according to 
their conscience, fined in the Castle Chamber? 

17. By what laws are men censurable with mutilation in the 
Castle Chamber ? 

18. Whether in the censures in the Castle Chamber, regard 
be had to the words in the Great Charter, salvo conteneme?ito, &c. ? 

19. Whether one who steals or commits any other felony and 
flies, be a traytor ; and if not, whether a proclamation can make 
him so ? 

20. Whether the evidence of rebels, or other imfamous per- 
sons, be good in law, to be pressed upon the trials of men for 
their lives ? 

Are Judges or Jurors judges of the fact ? 

By what law are fairs or markets to be held in capite? 

These queries, so essential to the rights of the 
subject, were not answered as they should have 
been by the Judges ; and the House declared their 
answer insufficient ; most of them they did not 
wish to answer ; many of them they would not 
answer ; but some they did answer, favourably to 
the rights of Ireland. The House of Commons, 
however, voted on each of them (July, 1641), and 



in every one they asserted and affirmed the rights, 
the liberties, and the privileges of the people. 


Lord Strafford having introduced a panegyric 
upon his Government in the Bill of Supply, the 
House, on its return to them, could not alter it ; 
therefore they recorded the opinion against the 
conduct of the Deputy as follows : — 

[February 17th, 1640.] 
Protestation against part of the preamble of the Act of Sub- 
sidies, granted this present Parliament, concerning the Earl of 
Strafford, and his manner of Government, ordered to be the pub- 
lic protestation of the House, and entered among the Ordinances, 
and sent to the Committee in England, to lay before the King. 

[November 7th, 1640.] 

1. A remonstrance of grievances to the Lord Deputy, setting 
forth the poverty and distress of the Kingdom, — from the ge- 
neral decay of trade, occasioned by the new and illegal raising of 
the book of rates and impositions. 

2. From the arbitrary decision of all civil causes and contro- 
versies by paper petitions before the Lord Lieutenant and Lord 
Deputy, and infinite other judicatories upon references from 
them derived, and the consequential, immoderate, and unlawful 
fees by secretaries, clerks, pursuivants, serjeant-at-arms, and 

3. By proceedings in Civil cases at the Council Board con- 
trary to law and the Great Charter. 

4. By denial of the benefit of princely graces. 

5. By the extra-judicial avoiding of letters patent of estates 
of a great part of His Majesty's subjects, under the Great Seal 
of the public faith of the kingdom, by private opinions delivered 
at the Council Board, without legal eviction of their estates, 
contrary to law, and without precedents. 



6. By the proclamation for the sole emption and uttering 
of tobacco, bought at low rates, and uttered at excessive. 

7. By unlawful increase of monopolies. 

8. By the cruel usage of some late Commissioners to the 
inhabitants of Londonderry. 

9. By the erection of the High Commission Court for causes 
ecclesiastical, and proceedings of the Court without legal 

10. By the exorbitant and barbarous fees and pretended 
customs exacted by the clergy contrary to law. 

11. By His Majesty's debts. 

12. By the prohibition of persons of quality or estates to go 
to England, without the Lord Deputy's licence, whereby they 
are shut out from access to His Majesty and Council. 

13. By informations exhibited against ancient boroughs by 
the King's Attorney General. 

14. By the power of some Ministers of State in the kingdom 
restraining a national freedom of the Parliament, in its members 
and actions. 

15. By immoderate fees in Courts of Justice, ecclesiastical 
and civil. 

Ordered — that a Select Committee be nominated to repair to 
England, and present the remonstrance of grievances to His 

[November 11th, 1640.] 
Committee authorized to require all necessary copies of re- 
cords, entries or books, without fees, to receive complaints 
of grievances and present them to His Majesty, and in the name 
of the Commons, desire a continuation of the present Parliament, 
or speedy calling of a new, for redress of the said grievances. 


[November 11th, 1640.] 
1. That the realm of Ireland having been time out of mind 
annexed to the Crown of this His Majesty's realm of England, 



and governed by the same laws — the said Earl of Strafford did, 
in answer to an address from the City of Dublin, declare that 
Ireland was a conquered nation, and that the King might do 
with them what he pleased, and that the Charters of Dublin 
were nothing worth, and did bind the King no farther than he 

2. That in the case of the Earl of Cork, he declared the 
Earl and all Ireland should know that an act of State was as 
binding as an Act of Parliament. 

3. That he sentenced to death without any warrant or au- 
thority of law, and without trial or legal proceedings, put the 
sentence into execution. 

4. That he disseized Lord Mountmorris, and put him out of 
possession of his lands on a paper petition. 

5. That without trial or jury process, he procured the Judges' 
opinions on a case regarding Lord Dillon, and dispossessed him 
and others, and ruined their families. 

6. That without legal process, and merely on petition, he 
made a decree against Lord Loftus, and imprisoned him for dis- 
obedience thereof. 

7. That without any authority, and contrary to his com- 
mission, he required Lord Loftus (the Chancellor) to deliver to 
him the Great Seal, and imprisoned him for disobedience 

8. That without legal proceedings he imprisoned the Earl of 

Kildare for refusing to submit his title to his 

lands to said Earl's will, and detained him for a year, notwith- 
standing His Majesty's letters for his enlargement. 

9. That in the case of Dame Hibbotts,in which the most of the 
Council were favourable to that lady, the Deputy by threats of 
fine and imprisonment compelled her, notwithstanding, to sub- 
mit to his order, whereby she relinquished her estate in the lands 
in question, which were conveyed to the use of the said Deputy ; 
and did imprison divers others for disobedience to his orders 
and decrees, as to titles of lands and pretended debts, on 
paper petitions preferred to him, and no cause legally de- 

10. That he issued General Warrants to imprison any of the 
poorer sort, who after citations should refuse to appear, or 



should deny obedience to decrees and orders imposed or issued 
out against them. 

11. That he procured the customs of merchandise exported 
and imported to be farmed to his own use, and raised the Book 
of Rates, so that the customs which were hitherto but a 20th 
part of the value, were enhanced a 5th, a 4th, and a 3rd, to the 
great oppression of the subjects, and decay of trade. 

12. That he restrained the export of commodities without his 
license, and then raised great sums of money for licenses for his 
own use. 

13. That by his sole proclamation he prohibited the importa- 
tion of tobacco ; that for his own use he afterwards imported 
it, whereby he obtained the monopoly, and sold it at great 
and excessive prices ; and for the violation of his proclamation 
not to expose any for sale without the Deputy's own seal, he 
fined, imprisoned, whipped, and put in the pillory His Majesty's 

14. That he issued his proclamation enjoining the working of 
flax, the principal and native commodity, in such ways, wherein 
the natives were unused and unpractised, and seized the same, 
whereby the deputy gained the sole sale thereof. 

15. That by proclamation he imposed new and unlawful oaths 
on the owners and masters of ships, whence they came, what 
their merchandize, whither they were bound. 

16. That to subdue the subjects of the Realm of Ireland, he 
imposed of his own authority large sums of money on divers 
towns and places in said realm, and levied the same by soldiers 
with force and arms, and sent soldiers to lie on the lands of such 
as would not comply ; and that he expelled divers people from 
their houses and manors, and imprisoned them and their wives 
in Dublin, until they would surrender their estates, and thereby 
levied war against the Irish. 

17. That he obtained from His Majesty the allowance to his 
proposition, that no complaint of oppression, or injustice done 
in Ireland should be received until first submitted to him ; and 
to prevent the subjects of all means of complaints and of redress, 
he issued his proclamation to prevent the subjects of the realm 
departing thence without his licence, and enforced the same by 
fine and imprisonment. 

E E 



18. That he had raised an army of 8,000 papists, and had 
imposed a new oath by his own authority, purporting to obey 
all His Majesty's commands, and to protest against none of them. 



[February 27th, 1641.] 
Committee appointed to draw up an Impeachment of High 
Treason against the Lord Chancellor Bolton, the Bishop of 
Derry, Sir Gerald Lowther, Lord Chief Justice of Com- 
mon Pleas, and Sir George RadclifFe; and to move the Lords 
that they may be secured and sequestered from their House, the 
Council table, and all other places of Judicature. 

Articles exhibited against them : — 

1st. That they have conspired to subvert the fundamental 
laws and government of the kingdom, and introduced an arbi- 
trary and tyrannical government against law, by the counte- 
nance and assistance of Thomas, Earl of Strafford, then Chief 

2nd. That they have traitorously assumed to themselves, and 
every of them, regal power over the goods, persons, lands and 
liberties of His Majesty's subjects of this realm. 

3rd. That the better to preserve themselves and the said Earl 
of Strafford, in these and other traitorous courses, they have 
laboured to subvert the rights of Parliament, and the ancient 
courses of Parliamentary proceedings. 


King Charles's letter for the continuance of 
Parliament (28th March), was laid before the 
House, together with the following (3rd April), 
regarding the Graces: these resembled the English 
Petition of Right, and secured the property of the 
subject from the claims of the Crown, and the 
person of the subject from the oppression of the 



Government. The acts here alluded to did not 
pass into law, and the civil war put an end to this 
legal proceeding, which would have given security 
to the Irish, (a good argument this against insur- 

[May 22nd, 1641.] 
His Majesty's Letter touching the Graces. 
Charles R. 

Right trusty and well-beloved Councillors, we greet you well : 
Whereas, humble suit hath been made unto Us by the Committees 
of the Lords and Commons, in Parliament assembled, in that 
our kingdom of Ireland, among the particulars, for the obtaining 
of the benefit of certain Instructions and Graces, by us promised, 
in the fourth year of our reign, to our subjects of that kingdom, 
which they allege they have not hitherto fully enjoyed according 
to our gracious intention, and their said suit for enjoying the said 
Graces being by us taken into serious consideration, after great 
deliberation and the advice of our Privy Council thereupon 
heard ; we thought fit, by these our letters to declare that all 
and every of our subjects, of that our kingdom, shall, from 
henceforth enjoy the benefit of the said Graces, according to 
the true intention thereof * ***** 
that forthwith several Bills be transmitted from you, our Justices 
and Council there for securing unto our said subjects in Parlia- 
ment such particulars. * ****** 
We are graciously pleased, according to our princely promise, 
in the 24th and 25th articles of the said Graces, and in perfor- 
mance of the engagements of our Royal Father and Queen 
Elizabeth, to secure the estates, or reputed estates of the inhabi- 
tants, as well of Connaught and County of Clare, or County of 
Thomond, as of the Counties of Limerick and Tipperary. * 
* * * We will and require you, 
that forthwith an act be transmitted for the settling of the said 
Province and Counties, and every part thereof, according to 
the tenor and intention of the said twenty-fourth and twenty- 
fifth articles respectively. * * * * * * 



And these our letters for your proceedings therein shall be your 
sufficient warrant. 

Given under our signet, at our Palace at Westminster, the third 
day of April, in the seventeenth of our reign, by commandment 
of His Majesty. 

H. Veyne. 



Drawn up by Committees of both Houses of the Irish Parlia- 
ment, and transmitted to England to His Majesty* 


[May 24th, 1641.] 
The thankful acknowledgment and humble supplication of 
the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament 

Whereas your sacred Majesty ******** 
That your Majesty will be likewise graciously pleased to vouch- 
safe to apply effectual and timely remedies to the grievances 
heretofore complained of, or hereafter to be represented unto 
your Majesty by our said Committees, which said grievances 
were occasioned and acted by some Ministers of State in this 
Kingdom, without your Majesty's privity or knowledge, as we 
do most confidently assure ourselves ; and that your Majesty 
will be graciously pleased, that this Parliament may not be pro- 
rogued or dissolved, until such time as the said bills, and such 
other bills as are, or shall be found in Parliament, and until the 
said grievances be removed. 


[May 24th, 1641.] 

The declaration and protection of the Lords Spiritual and 
Temporal, and Commons in Parliament assembled. 

Whereas, in the reign of King Henry II. the Common Law 
and lawful Customs of England were received, planted, and 
established in His Majesty's Kingdom of Ireland, and then and 



soon after the said law and lawful customs were established arid 
confirmed in and by several Parliaments held within this realm : 
and whereas in all ages since the said reign of King Henry 
II., Parliaments were held in this realm, which said Parliaments 
were called for the high and weighty affairs of the said realm. 

That all other the Courts of Justice, and all Magistrates, Judges, 
Officers and Subjects of any estate, degree, quality, or condition 
whatsoever of the said realm of Ireland, are liable to the resolu- 
tions, orders, and judgments of the said Court of Parliament of 
this realm : and that the said Court of Parliament is the Su- 
preme Court of Judicatory in the saVl realm. 

It is ordered, upon question, that the instrument, intituled 
thus, — To the King's Most Excellent Majesty, humbly shewetk 
unto our Sovereiyn Lord the King, the Lords Spiritual and Tem- 
poral, and Commons in Parliament assembled, — having been this 
day three times read in this House, shall be entered among the 
acts, orders, and ordinances of this House, and be presented to 
His Majesty by the Committee of this House in England. 


[May 24th, 1641.] 
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 
Humbly sheweth unto our Sovereign Lord the King", the 
Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament as- 
sembled * * * And the said Lords and Commons do most 
humbly beseech your Majesty to be graciously pleased to be rightly 
informed, that the Judicature in Parliament and in all other 
your Majesty's Courts of Justice in this Kingdom, is, and for 
these four hundred and sixty years hath been guided and directed 
by the Common Law of England, and course of Parliament 
in that Kingdom, according to the records and precedents of 
England : — That therefore your Majesty will be graciously 
pleased not to give way, that so high and clear a point and un- 
deniable a truth concerning your Highness's laws and govern- 
ment, and the rights and just liberties of your people, may be 
left subject to dispute or debate : And that your Majesty will be 
pleased not to give credit or belief to any information against 



the real intentions and proceedings of the said Lords and Com- 
mons in Parliament; which have been, in the impeachment of 
the persons aforesaid, and in all other matters with great mo- 
deration and temper, and shall be applied to your Majesty's 
profitable and lasting service, and to the general content and 
quiet of your people, whose liberty will strengthen your Ma- 
jesty's prerogative, and your Highness's prerogative will defend 
their liberties. And as in duty bound, they will pray for your 



[July 26th, 1641.] 

It is voted upon question, nullo contradicente, that the sub- 
jects of this His Majesty's kingdom are a free people, and to be 
governed only according to the common law of England, and 
statutes made and established by Parliament in this kingdom of 
Ireland, and according to the lawful custom used in the same. 

A List of persons elected to sit for Ireland in the English 
Parliament, in the Time of Cromwell, A.D., 1654. 


, r T . . t i ^h, i Sir Hardress Waller. 
Kerry, L.menck, and Clare, -j Co ,_ Henfy i ngoldsby . 

„ , i. j tz- f Lord Broghill. 

Cork city and county, King- ! Q £ . 

sale, and Bandon. \ M r.Goakin. * 

f Commissary Gen. Reynolds. 
Tipperary and Waterford. < Col. Sankey. 

^Capt. He' 




Kilkenny, Carlow, and Wex- f Col. Sadler, 
ford. \Col. Axtel. 

Kildare and Wicklow. \ 5^]°* 

\ Major Meredith. 

■n ii- .. -j f Col. Hewson. 

Dubhn, cty and county. j AMerman Hutchinson . 

Louth and Meatb. Im'*?^ 6, 

^ Major Cadogan. 

Westmeath, Longford, King's | N d 
and Queen s counties. f * 


Precinct of Belfast. i £}' HilL 

\ Col. Venables. 

Belturbet. 1%°*'°*% 

^ Major Redman. 

Precinct of Londonderry. Not yet returned. 


Leitrim, Sligo, and Roscom-J Sir Robert King. 

raon. \ Sir John Temple. 

~ , i f Sir Charles Coote. 

Galway, city and county. < ^ . ^ r> n 
J1 J J ^ Commissary Gen. Reynolds. 

[Could any man of virtue, patriotism, or com- 
mon sense wish to see such a representation in 
Parliament for Ireland ? Yet the Protestants of the 
day called it the Reign of Saints on Earth.'] 



A List of the Members of the Honourable House of Commons 
of Ireland who voted for and against the altered Money Bill, 
which teas rejected on Monday the 17 th day of December, 

[December 14th, 1753.] 

A Bill intituled, " An Act for the payment of Seventy-seven 
Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, or so much thereof as shall 

* The original of this, richly embellished, is preserved in the Gore 
family, whose five voices decided the question. 



remain due on the twenty-fifth day of December, One thou- 
sand seven hundred and fifty-three, in discharge of the Na- 
tional Debt, together with Interest for the same, at the rate of 
Four Pounds per centum per annum, from the said twenty-fifth 
day of December, One thousand seven hundred and fifty- 
three until the twenty-fifth day of March, One thousand seven 
hundred and fifty-four ; was read the first time in the House of 

On the same day a Committee was appointed to examine what 
alterations have been made in the Heads of Bills sent from this 
House this Session of Parliament, and where the same have been 
so made. 

[December 15.] 

Mr. Upton reported from the said Committee, that there was 
an alteration made in the above bills, by inserting in the 
preamble the following words, " And your Majesty ever attentive 
to the ease and happiness of your faithful subjects, has been 
graciously pleased to signify that you would consent, and to re- 
commend it to us, that so much of the money remaining in your 
Majesty's Treasury, as should be necessary, should be applied to 
the discharge of the National Debt or of such part thereof as 
should be thought expedient by Parliament.'* 

On the same day the Bill was read a second time. 

[December 17.] 

The House went into a Committee to take said Bill into con- 

Right Honourable Thomas Carter, Esq., Master of the Rolls, 
Clerk of the Crown in the King's Bench, and Privy Counsellor, 
in the Chair. 

The Committee agreed to all the enacting paragraphs and title 
of the Bill, but disagreed to the preamble by a majority of five 

The proceeding of the Committee being reported immediately, 
the House agreed thereto, and rejected the Bill without a di- 



Hie niger est, hunc tu JRomane 
cave to! 

Teller for the Ayes, 
Edmund Sexton Pf.ry, Esq. 


1. Right Hon. Lord George 

Sackville/son and prin- 
cipal Secretary to the 
Lord Lieutenant, Secre- 
tary at War, Colonel of 
a Regiment of Horse, 
Privy Counsellor, Clerk 
of the Council, and one 
of the Deputy Rangers 
of Phoenix Park, near 

2. Robert Maxwell, esq., 2d 

Secretary to the Lord 

3. Rt. Hon. John Ponsonby, 

esq., 2nd son to the Earl 
of Besborough, Com- 
missioner of His Ma- 
jesty's Revenue, and 
Privy Councillor. 

4. "William Bristow, esq., 

Commissioner of His 
Majesty's Revenue. 

5. John Burke, esq., Com- 

missioner of His Ma- 
jesty's Revenue, and 
nephew to the Speaker. 

6. Hon Richard Ponsonby, 

esq., third son to the 

Vindices Libertatis. 

Teller for the Noes. 
Sir Richard Cox, Bart., 
Collector for Cork Port. 


1. Rt. Hon. Henry Boyle, 
esq., Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, Privy Coun- 
cillor and Speaker. 

2. Anthony Malone, esq., 

Prime Serjeant at Law. 

3. Hon. John Caulfield, esq., 

one of the Clerks of the 
Privy Seal. 

4. Cosby Nesbitt, esq., Col- 

lector of Cavan. 

5. Billingham Boyle, esq., 

Register of the Preroga- 
tive Court, and Pensioner. 

6. Michael O'Brien Dilkes, 

esq., Quarter-master and 
Barrack-master General, 
and brother to theSpeaker. 

7. Henry Gore, esq., Captain 

of Foot. 

8. Robert Sandford, Esq., the 

younger, Lieutenant of 

9. James Weyms, esq., Cap- 

tain of Foot. 
10. John Gore, esq., Counsel 
to the Commissioners of 
the Revenue. 



Earl of Besbo rough, arid 
Secretary to the Com- 
mons of His Majesty's 

7. Warden Flood, esq., At- 

torney General. 

8. Philip Tisdall, esq., So- 

licitorGeneral, and Judge 
of the Prerogative Court. 

9. Philip Bragg, esq., Lieu- 

tenant General, Major 
General on the establish- 
ment, and Colonel of a 
Regiment of Foot. 

10. Arthur Dobbs, esq., Go- 

vernor of North Carolina. 

11. Robert Burton, Esq., Co- 

lonel of the Battle-axe 

12. Hon. Robert Jocelyn, esq., 

son and Secretary to the 
Lord Chancellor and 
Auditor General. 

13. Hon. Robert Butler, Cap- 

tain of the Battle-axe 
Guards and Pensioner. 

14. David Bindon, esq., Pen- 


15. Hon. James O'Brien, esq., 

Collector of Drogheda, 
and Pensioner. 

16. Anthony Jephson, esq., 

Half-pay Captain. 

17. Richard Tonson, esq., 

Collector of Baltimore. 

18. John Folliott, esq., Cap- 

11. Edward Malone, esq., 

King's Counsel. 

12. Frederick Gore, esq., Clerk 

of the Quit Rents. 

13. Robert Roberts, esq., De- 

puty Chief Remem- 

14. Henry Boyle Walsingham, 

esq., second son of the 
Speaker, Captain of a 
troop of Horse and Aide- 
de-camp to the Lord 

15. Gustavus Lambert, esq. ? 

Collector of Trim. 

16. Richard Malone, esq., 3rd 

Serjeant at Law. 

17. Hon. Thomas Southwell, 

esq., Governor and Con- 
stable of Limerick. 

18. Charles Gardiner, esq., 

Master of the Revels J 

19. Francis Macartney, esq., 

Captain of a Company of 
Foot, and late Aide-de- 
camp to the Lord Lieu- 

20. Patrick Weyms, esq.^ 

Half-pay Lieutenant on 
the British establishment. 

21. William Naper, esq., Cap- 

tain of Horse. 

22. Rt. Hon. James Tint, esq., 

Privy Counsellor. 

23. Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur Gore, 

bart., Privy Counsellor. 



tain of a Regiment of 
foot and Governor of 
Ross Castle. 

19. Rt. Hon. Arthur Hill, esq. 

Privy Counsellor. 

20. Hon. Edward Brabazon, 

esq. Pensioner. 

21. Sir Charles Burton, knt. 


22. Hon. Bysse Molesworth, 

esq. Principal Clerk in 
Revenue Secretary's Of- 

23. Hon. John Butler, esq. 

Joint Clerk of the Pipe. 

24. Hon. Brinsley Butler, esq. 

Joint Clerk of the Pipe. 

25. Robert Fitzgerald, esq. 

Collector of Mallow. 

26. Sir William Fownes, bart. 

Packer, Searcher, and 
Guager, in the Port of 
Cork, and Son-in-law to 
the Earl of Besborough. 

27. John Graydon, esq. Pen- 


28. Rt. Hon. Luke Gardiner, 

esq. Deputy Vice-Trea- 
surer, Privy Counsellor, 
and one of the Deputy 
Rangers of the Phoenix 
Park, near Dublin. 

29. Boleyn Whitney, esq. 

Commissioner of Reve- 
nue Appeals and King's 

24. Arthur Upton, esq. 

25. James Hamilton, esq. 

26. Sir Edward O'Brien, bart. 

27. Arthur Hyde, esq. 

28. Emanuel Pigott, esq. 

29. Edward Smyth, esq. 

30. Sir John Freke, bart. 

31. John Lysaght, esq. the 

Elder, Nephew to the 

32. John Lysaght, esq. the 

Younger, Nephew to 
the Speaker. 

33. John Magill, esq. 

34. William Harwards, esq. 

35. Sir John Conway Colt- 

hurst, bart. 

36. Andrew Knox, esq. 

37. Sir Ralph Gore St 

George, bart. 

38. Thomas Adderly, esq. 

39. Abraham Crichton, esq. 

40. Thomas Montgomery, esq. 

41. Bernard Ward, esq. 

42. James Stephenson, esq. 

43. Alexander Hamilton, esq. 

44. Sir Samuel Cooke, bart. 

45. Sir Archibald Acheson, 


46. Robert Sandford, esq. the 


47. John Cole, esq. 

48. John Ayre, esq. 

49. John Bingham, esq. 

50. Sir Maurice Crosbie, knt. 



30. Alexander Nesbitt, esq. 


31. Anthony Marley, esq. 

Commissioner of Reve- 
nue Appeals and King's 

32. Thomas Tennison, esq. 

Commissioner of Reve- 
nue Appeals. 

33. Thomas Bligh, esq. Major- 

Gen eral on the Esta- 
blishment, and Colonel 
of a Regiment of Horse. 

34. Robert Cunningham, esq. 

Captain of Foot, and late 
Aid-de-Camp to the 

35. Owen Wynne, esq. the 

younger, Major of Dra- 

36. John Wynne, esq. Cap- 

tain of Foot. 

37. Robert Marshall, esq. 

Second Sergeant at Law. 

38. Right Hon. Sir Thomas 

Prendergast,bart. Privy 

39. Robert Handcock, esq. 

Collector of Athlone. 

40. Right Hon. George Lord 

Forbes, Lieut.-Col. of 

41. Hon. Henry Loftus, esq. 

Clerk of Coast Permits 
in the Port of Dublin. 

42. Walter Hore, esq. Judge- 


51. John Blennerhassett, esq. 

the Younger. 

52. John Blennerhassett, esq. 

53. Arthur Blennerhassett, 


54. William Crosbie, esq. 

55. Edmund Malone, esq. 

56. Sir Kildare Dixon Bur- 

rowes, bart. 

57. John Digby, esq. 

58. Robert Downes, esq. 

59. Walter Weldon, esq. 

60. Ralph Gore, esq. 

61. Richard Dawson, esq. 

62. Joseph Deane, esq. 

63. Henry L'Estrange, esq. 

64. William Gore, esq. 

65. Hugh Crofton, esq. 

66. Gilbert King, esq. 

67. Hon. Henry Southwell, 


68. Edward Taylor, esq. 

69. Edward Cary, esq. 

70. William Scott, esq. 

71. Henry Hamilton, esq. 

72. Henry Cary, esq. 

73. Sir Arthur Newcomen, 


74. Arthur Gore, esq. 

75. Thomas Packenham, esq. 

76. Thomas Burgh, esq. 

77. Thomas Newcomen, esq. 

78. Robert Parkingson, esq. 

79. John Ruxton, esq. 

80. John Hamilton, esq. 

81. James Cuffe, esq. 

82. Annesley Gore, esq. 



43. Hon. Hugh Skeffington, 

esq. Cornet of Horse. 

44. James Smyth, esq. Collec- 

tor of Dublin Port. 

45. John Maxwell, esq. Pro- 

thonotary of Common 

46. Eaton Stannard, esq. 

King's Counsel. 

47. Right Hon. Hungerford 

Skeffington, esq. Pen- 

48. Hon. Wm. Molesworth, 

Surveyor - General of 
King's Lands, and Pen- 

49. AgmondishamVesey, esq. 

Accountant - General 
and Banker. 

50. Right Hon. Sir Compton 

Domville, bart. Clerk of 
the Crown and Hanaper 
and Privy Counsellor. 

51. Nathaniel Clements, esq. 

Teller of the Exchequer, 
Ranger of the Phoenix 
Park, and Master of the 

52. John Folliott, esq. Deputy 

Governor of Kinsale Port. 

53. William Annesley, esq. 

54. Joseph Leeson, esq. 

55. Robert Scott, esq. 

56. Matthew Forde, esq. 

57. Chambre Brabazon Pon- 

sonby, esq. Nephew to 
the Earl of Besborough. 

83. Arthur Francis Meredith, 


84. Joseph Ash, esq. 

85. Chichester Fortescue, esq. 

86. Gorges Lowther, esq. 

87. Marcus Lowther Crofton, 


88. Alexander Montgomery, 


89. Thomas Dawson, esq. 

90. Warner Westenra, esq. 

91. William Henry Dawson, 


92. Henry Sandford, esq. 

93. William Sandford, esq. 

94. Thomas Mahon, esq. 

95. Joshua Cooper, esq. 

96. Nehemiah Donnellan, esq. 

97. Richard Penefather, esq. 

98. Kinsmill Penefather, esq. 

99. Matthew Jacob, esq. 

100. Charles Echlin, esq. 

101. William Hamilton, esq. 

102. Richard Vincent, esq. 

103. Beverley Usher, esq. 

104. Alarid Mason, esq. 

105. Shapland Carew, esq. 

106. John Colthurst, esq. 

107. Richard Aldworth, esq. 

108. George St. George, esq. 

109. John Rochford, esq. 

110. Ctesar Colclough, esq. 

111. Robert Doyne, esq. 

112. Anderson Sanders, esq. 

113. Abel Ram, esq. 

114. Stephen Trotter, esq. 

115. Daniel Falkiner, esq. 



58. Francis Leigh, esq. 

59. John Graham, esq. 

60. James Saunderson, esq. 

61. Charles Daly, esq. 

62. Robert French, esq. 

, 63 Thomas Staunton, esq. 

64. Robert Blakeney, esq. 
t 65. Henry Bingham, esq. 

66. Maurice Keating, esq. 

67. Thomas Burgh, esq. Naas. 

68. William Evans Morris, 

esq. Brother to Harvey 
Morris, esq. 

69. Harvey Morris, esq. Son- 

in-law to the Earl of 

70. James Agar, esq. 

71. Benjamin Bruton, esq. 

Son-in-law to the Earl 
of Besborough. 

72. SirLaurenceParsons,bart. 

73. Henry Lyons, esq. 

74. William Sharman, esq. 

75. Eyre Evans, esq. 

76. Charles Smyth, esq. 

77. Richard Maunsell, esq. 

78. Philip Oliver, esq. 

79. Hercules Langford Row- 

ley, esq. 

80. Richard Jackson, esq. 

81. Henry Bellingham, esq. 

82. William Henry Fortescue, 


83. Thomas Fortescue, esq. 

84. Anthony Foster, esq. 

85. John Browne, esq. 

86. Nathaniel Preston, esq. 

116. Thomas Carter, esq. the 


117. Robert Hickman, esq. 

118. Oliver Anketell, esq. 

119. Sir Richard Butler, bart. 

120. Edward Bolton, esq. 

121. Thomas Loftus, esq. 

122. Richard Boyle, esq. eldest 

son to the Speaker. 


87. John Preston, esq. 

88. Sir Thomas Taylor, bart. 

89. Thomas Taylor, esq. 

90. George Evans, esq. 

91. William Wall, esq. 

92. Jonah Barrington, esq. 

93. Owen Wynne, esq. the 


94. Stephen Moore, esq. Ne- 

phew to the Earl of Bes- 

95. William Stewart, esq. 

96. William Richardson, esq. 


97. Samuel Barker, esq. 

98. John Leigh, esq, 

99. James Stopford, esq. 

100. William Tighe, esq. 

101. Anthony Brabazon, esq. 

102. Richard Chapel Whaley, 


103. John Stratford, esq. 

104. Charles Usher, esq. 

105. Robert Percival, esq. 

106. Thomas Lehunte, esq. 

107. William Richardson, esq. 


108. William Brownlow, esq. 

109. Hon. Geo. Hamilton, esq. 

110. Sir Richard Wolseley, bart. 

111. Nicholas Archdall, esq. 

1 12. Richard Trench, esq. 

113. Cromwell Price, esq. 

114. Usher St. George, esq. 

115. Samuel Bindon, esq. 

116. Richard Gorges, esq. 

117. Robert Ross, esq. 





In a work by Richard Lawrence, published in 1682, entitled 
" The Interest of Ireland," he classes under seven heads, " the 
intolerable charge and expense Ireland is at by entertaining 
foreigners to its peculiar interest in the most profitable employ- 
ment and offices." He computes what Ireland had suffered in 
fifteen years, from July 1662, when the Duke of Ormond first 
entered on the Government, till August 1677, when the Earl of 
Essex surrendered. He considers among others, the grants and 
pensions to non-residents, the farmers of the revenue, the foreign 
merchants, the absentees, and the chief governors, then non- 

" Above any of these is the stock drained out of this kingdom 
by absentees, which is now augmented beyond treble what it was 
formerly, by the great estates the adventurers possess, who, 
being most of them estated men in England, live there, and 
draw over a vast sum of money yearly : they possess of the 
lands of this kingdom, 787,326 acres, which valued at two 
shillings an acre, one with an another (much of their lands lying 
in the best parts of the kingdom), amounts to £78,752 12s. Od. 
per annum ; and it is judged the estates of His Royal Highness, 
the Earls of Cork, Anglesey, and Strafford, with other noblemen 
and gentlemen of England, by old and new titles, draw over as 
much more, both which, is per annum, £157,463 4s. Od. 
which they spend and lay out in purchases in England, &c, 
which, for fifteen years, amounts to £2,361,978. So that, this 
drain, if no sluice can be contrived to stop its currents, must 
necessarily draw Ireland dry of wealth, if all the forementioned 
impediments were removed, which our predecessors have long 
groaned under, and several strict laws have been made to pre- 
vent it. As in the 3rd year of Richard II., Sir John Davies 



gives an account of an ordinance made in England, against such 
as were absent from their lands in Ireland, which gave two-thirds 
of their profits to the King, till they returned to Ireland, or 
placed a sufficient number of Englishmen to defend the same ; 
which, saith he, was grounded upon good reasons of state, and 
was put in execution many years after, as appeareth by sundry 
seizures made thereupon in time of Richard II., Henry IV., 
Henry V., Henry VI., whereof there remain records in the Re- 
membrancer's Office here ; and amongst the rest, the Duke of 
Norfolk himself was not spared, but impleaded upon their ordi- 
nance for two parts of the profits of his estate ; and afterwards 
himself, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lord Berkeley and others, 
who had lands in Ireland, kept their continual residence in 
England, were entirely re-assumed by the Act of Absentees, 
made the 28th year of King Henry VIII." — Sir John Davies, p. 
199. " And though it might seem hard these laws should now 
be executed, yet it is harder a nation should be ruined; and if 
themselves be necessarily trained in His Majesty's service, or by 
their greater concerns in England, yet why they should not con- 
fide their interest in this kingdom to their younger sons, SfC, or 
be engaged some way to spend a good part of their rents here, is 
not easily answered, unless private men's interests be to be pre- 
ferred before the public, for this is a burden this kingdom will 
not be long able to bear— a consumption great enough to beggar 
rich England, much more poor Ireland." 

A list of absentees is also to be found in " Remarks on Affairs 
and Trade of England and Ireland," London, 1691. The author 
divides the list of absentees into three parts. 

1st. Rents of landsbelonging to persons that wholly, 

or for the most part, live in England £91,652 

2nd. Persons resident in England, receiving pen- 
sions out of the Irish Revenue, in 1625, and since. . . . 10,366 

3rd. Miscellaneous remittances 34,000 


In 1721, Thomas Prior, a worthy and patriotic individual, 
made out another list, published in Dublin, with Observations 

F F 



on the State and Trade of Ireland. " A list of lords, gentle- 
men, and others, who, having estates, employments and pensions 
in Ireland, spend the same abroad ; also a yearly value of the 
same as taken in the months of May, June, and July, 1729." 

" 1st Class. Those who live continually abroad. 

" 2nd. Those who live generally abroad, and visit Ireland for 
a month, or two. 

" 3rd. Those who live generally in Ireland, but occasionally 
for health, pleasure, or business." 

The total amounted to— 1st Class £204,200 

In 1779, Mr. Arthur Young, in his Appendix to his " Tour 
in Ireland," set forth a list which made the amount 732,000/. 
annually ; but one more perfect than any, was an alphabetical 
one printed in 1782, which, including those who had pensions 
on the Irish Establishment, and this amounted to 2,223,222/. 

Newenham, in his " Essay on Population," in 1805, page 
170, says, the actual remittance to absentees did not fall short 
of 3,000,000/.; and in the publications of the Society for the Im- 
provement of Ireland, it is calculated in 1828 to amount to 
upwards of 4,000,000/. 

2nd ditto 
3rd ditto 


and, with other sums, amounting to about 





Key to the History of Barataria, written by Sir Hercules 


Don Francisco Andrea del 

Don Georgio Buticartny. 

Don Antonio. 

Don John Alnagero. 

Don Philip. 
Count Loftonzo. 

Don John. 

Don Helena. 

Donna Dorothea del Monroso. 
Don Godfredo Lilly. 
The Duke Fitzroyola. 
Cardinal Lapidaro. 

The Bishop of Toledo. 

Don Edward Swanzero. 

Don Alexandro Cuningambo 

del Tweedalero. 
Donna Lavinia. 
Don Richardo. 



J Lord Townshend, Lord Lieu- 
\ tenant of Ireland. 
J Lord Annaly, Lord Chief Jus- 
\ tice. 

{Right Hon. Francis Andrews, 
Prov. T. C. D. 

{Sir George Macartney, Secre- 

Rt. Hon. Anthony Malone. 

SRt. Hon. John Hely Hutchin- 
son, Prime Sergeant. 
J Rt. Hon. Philip Tisdall. At- 
\ torney-General. 

Lord Loftus, now Earl of Ely. 
J" Right Hon. John Ponsonby, 
< Speaker of the House of 
Robert Helen, esq. Judge. 
Miss Monroe. 
Godfrey Lill, esq. 
Duke of Grafton. 
The late Primate Stone. 

{Dr. Jemmett Browne, late 
Bishop of Cork. 
Edward Swan. 

^Surgeon Cunningham. 

Lady St. Leger. 
Richard Power, esq. 

{Rathfarnham, the residence of 
Lord Ely, near Dublin. 

F 2 




The last assembly of the States, immediately after they had 
granted government an augmentation of military strength, and 
supplies of unusual magnitude, were summoned before the awful 
tribunal of Sancho, where they were reviled, insulted, and dis- 
charged. They were discharged, without having been permitted 
to deliberate on any ordinance of public concern, or exercise 
one power of legislation, excepting only that of munificence and 
taxation. It was in vain the voice of the people echoed from 
every quarter of the kingdom, complaining that the reward of 
their liberality had been a privation of their rights, and that 
Parliament had been discontinued, because government had 
been satisfied. The deputies of the people had been beyond all 
example bountiful — but their crime was, that their resolutions 
were construed to imply an opinion, that these bounties being 
the bounties of the people, their deputies were more competent 
to proportion and ascertain them, than the deputies of Govern- 
ment, which was only to accept them, and accept them with 
gratitude. Sancho sat in his castle, or cottage (for his habita- 
tions, as his habits, were various) superior to any sense of the 
evils he had occasioned, or the injuries he had inflicted. The 
decay of trade, the ruin of public credit, the violation of private 
engagements, the doubt of every good man, the distrust of all, 
were the objects and the means of his administration. If he 
could break the resolution of the virtuous, and disappoint the 
confidence of honourable engagements, he thought that in the 
end he might defeat all laudable association, and by bursting 
the bonds of affinity and connexion, by degrees, dissolve all ties 
to the country. 

There was a man in Barataria, whose name was Henrico, the 
Count Loftonzo, a man high in rank, eminent in possessions, 
who inherited the great qualifications of a numerous following ; 
but in early life so humble had been his condition, that a con- 
nexion with an illustrious family was scarcely able to preserve 
his person from obscurity, or his circumstances from indigence. 
The near relations of affinity seemed to have had a laudable 

* The history of Lord Townshend's Government in Ireland — his Pro- 
test, and Prorogation of Parliament. 



direction, when for a course of years they had been employed in 
furnishing shelter to the man in Barataria who most stood in 
need of it. Don John, a chief of high rank and an illustrious 
house, had long enjoyed the first power and most extensive 
influence in Barataria. To this person the Count had united 
himself in early life, before wealth and honours had directed 
their current towards him ; and whilst as yet fortune continued 
to frown, where nature had frowned before. Don John was a 
man who to eminent qualities added unusual softness of soul. 
He recollected, that Henrico was his kinsman, which is a cir- 
cumstance amongst the ties of humanity. He was poor and 
John had compassion on him. He was friendless and he ac- 
knowledged him. He therefore employed his powerful interpo- 
sition, to procure a subsistence from the state for Henrico. 
And even condescended to attend to female infirmity, so far as 
by a public stipend to enable his wife to purchase certain silken 
apparel, and play at certain costly games, which, though they 
were above her rank and fortune, were not above her ambition 
or her vanity. Thus it happened that Henrico had faithfully 
adhered to Don John, whilst the latter had power, or the former 
wanted protection. But when Sancho commenced his attack on 
the freedom of Barataria, by depriving her of the Cortes, Hen- 
rico, through the wantonness of fortune, had become enriched 
by great possessions, distinguished by honours and fortified by 
powerful dependencies. Sancho judged that as Henrico no 
longer stood in need of assistance, he no longer remembered the 
assistance he had received. He applied himself to the Count, 
and besought him, " to cast away from his mind all idle obliga- 
tions, and separate himself from all connexion with Don John, 
his kinsman, — that he should not conform his conduct to the 
dictates of gratitude, lest it might appear to be the result of 
dependance, — that he should join and associate his great powers, 
his great connexions, his honourable name, his high abilities, 
his personal fortitude, and captivating manners, with the court 
of Barataria, under the direct influence and immediate superin- 
tendence of the Spanish ministry. Thus that the honours of 
old Spain, and the plunder of Barataria would dignify him, and 
maintain his dependants. 

Thus far had the artifice of Sancho applied itself to the wean- 



ness and vanity of Henrico. And though this address was in 
itself likely to be crowned with success, yet as the friends of 
Barataria were not to be indulged with one cast on the die in 
their favour, matters of probability only were rejected, as in- 
sufficient authorities for entering upon the great project of 
Sancho's administration. 

Absurdity and ambition, 'tis true, had occupied a fair propor- 
tion of the mind of Henrico, yet did it likewise entertain several 
humbler guests, amongst which the historians of his day have 
enumerated a perception of danger. Great as his possessions 
were, the tenure was precarious. They were not the rights of 
inheritance , nor the acquirements of purchase ; but we rather 
consider them as enjoyed under the title of conquest. The 
rightful heir had, as historians relate, been disappointed by the 
testament of the late Count Loftonzo Hume-Eii, over whose 
imbecility Henrico so far triumphed, as to compel him to a 
surrender of his maternal demesnes into the hands even of 
Henrico himself. But still, though the enjoyment of those pos- 
sessions was delightful, the duration of that enjoyment appeared 
to the fears of Henrico as capable of doubt. The free-will gifts 
of captivity, and the disposing powers of mental incapacity were 
matters at which the laws might cavil. 

This apprehension in the mind of Henrico was to be a new 
key to his conversion ; for the management of which an instru- 
ment entirely proportioned to the purpose had been selected. 

There was at that time in Barataria a man named Philip, 
who was by birth a Moor, by profession an advocate. He was 
become the first companion and counsellor of Sancho ; into the 
dark repository of whose bosom did he pour the sallies of his 
jocularity, and the secrets of his administration. Don Philip 
was likewise General Attorney of the States, and Judge of the 
Testamentary Court. 

Whether we consider the qualities he had, or those he had 
not, we find him alike accomplished for the present undertaking. 
He was a man formed by nature, and fashioned by long prac- 
tice for all manner of court intrigue. His stature was low, so 
as to excite neither envy nor observation, his countenance 
dismal, his public manners grave, and his address humble. But 
as in public he covered his prostitution by a solemnity of car- 



riage, so in private he endeavoured to captivate by convivial 
humour ; and to discountenance all public virtue, by the exer- 
cise of a perpetual, and sometimes not unsuccessful irony. 

By these arts he recommended himself to the late Cardinal 
Lapidaro, and Don Thomaso del Cartero ; the two most crafty 
statesmen — the De Retz and Machiavel of their age ; under 
whom he studied, and against whom at times he exercised the 
mystery of politics. 

To these qualifications Don Philip added an extraordinary 
magnificence of living. His table was furnished with every 
thing that splendour could suggest, or luxury consume ; and 
his profusion and policy united to solicit a multitude of guests, 
To his house then resorted all those who wished through him to 
obtain, or to learn from him to enjoy without remorse, those 
public emoluments which are the purchase of public infidelity. 

Amongst the visitors of Don Philip was a youth, hitherto of 
fair fame and gentle endowments — Don Helena the civilian — 
who lately had accepted the office of menial counsellor to Lof- 
tonzo. Through him therefore a new communication was to be 
opened with the Count. 

Thus by an unsuspected channel were new terrors added to 
the natural timidity of Henrico. He was informed " that the 
title to his extensive territory depeuded on a testament, the 
validity of which was determinable within Don Philip's jurisdic- 
tion. That by adhering to old engagements and national re- 
gards, he would forfeit that friendly disposition in his judge, 
which is so necessary to equal justice. That the final adjudi- 
cation of this great cause resided in the Supreme Assembly of 
the grandees in Spain, where Sancho had a suffrage; which 
suffrage the Count might ensure or alienate, as his conduct 
should be friendly or hostile to his government in Barataria. 
That in times of simplicity and ignorance, the Spanish nobles 
had restrained their judgments within the rigid precepts of law, 
and the austerities of justice; but that of late, refinement of 
manners had broken through those harsh restrictions, and legal 
severity yielded to the softer influence of favour and affection." 

He proceeded to pour into the ears of the Count instances of 
this high refinement in the grandees of Spain ; and one espe- 
cially, which had fallen even within the limited knowledge of 



Loftonzo himself, the late decision in favour of the Count Pom- 
fretto, respecting the collieries of Andalusia. 

These arguments made a sufficient impression on the mind of 
Henrico. But Sancho having particular reason to know how 
little reliance is to be had on the promises of fear, or the 
attachments of infidelity, thought that no security had been 
taken for the allegiance of the Count, whilst there yet remained 
any further bond, whereby to render the tie indissoluble. The 
considerations of fame and fortune had been notably discussed 
and dexterously reconciled. And though views of ambition and 
interest had gained ground on the mind of Loftonzo, there was 
another power that held the dominion of his soul. 

The Countess, his consort, was a lady of singular spirit and 
magnanimity, and though her birth and fortune had been beneath 
mediocrity, yet did she possess a stately and aspiring mind, 
which taught her to forget the humility of her origin. She 
preserved that sovereign authority over the Count, which gave 
satisfaction to every advocate for female pre-eminence— she was 
his superior in capacity — she was his superior as his creditor. 
For the Countess had legal demands upon her lord, which 
though he was crowned with wealth and honours, he was yet 
unable to discharge ; thus his subjection was the subjection of 
an insolvent debtor. The Countess therefore had been compelled 
to transfer her thoughts of posterity, and the reversions of her 
grandeur, to her niece Donna Dorothea Del Monroso. And 
here — did the gravity of history and importance of the subject 
admit it — here could we rest for pages, from the travel of story, 
and indulge the purest rapture in contemplating the perfections 
of this lovely maiden. Her stature was majestic, but her air 
and demeanour was nature itself. The peculiar splendour of 
her carriage was softened and subdued by the most affable con- 
descension ; and as sensibility gave a lustre to her eye, so dis- 
cretion gave a security to her heart. And indeed whilst her 
charms inspired universal rapture, the authority of her innocence 
regulated and restrained it. The softest roses that ever youth 
and modesty poured out on beauty, glowed in the lip of Doro- 
thea. Her cheeks were the bloom of Hebe , and the purity of 
Diana was in her breast. Never did beauty appear so amiable,, 



nor virtue so adorned, as in this incomparable virgin ! In her 
progress through the courts of Arragon and Navarre she had 
been exhibited to the princes of the continent, and returned in 
the possession of humble manners. Several had solicited her 
in marriage, but the refined policy of her protectors always 
interposed against her, and reserved her to become the innocent 
instrument of a national evil. But let us not be supposed to 
glance a thought against your purity, lovely Dorothea ! What- 
ever be your fortune, or wherever you go, you will retain your- 
self. If in public splendour and exalted station ; you will carry 
with you humility and moderation — if inauspicious destiny sink 
you to the rank of humble condition, your beauties will adorn, 
and your virtues dignify your retreat ! 

3. Sancho, some time after his arrival in Barataria, sustained 
an heavy affliction ; which was attended with one notable pecu- 
liarity — that of being the single instance, wherein the sentiments 
of the Baratarians and their Governor had been united or simi- 
lar. Death had deprived him of the Baroness Feraro, his con- 
sort — a lady of high birth and fortune, adorned by the most 
eminent virtues and amiable manners. Wherever her influence 
could extend, it was the influence of benefaction — and where 
her power could not gratify, her affability conciliated. To her 
lord she left every thing to lament — she was the splendour of 
his station ; she was the solace of his hours of sobriety — and if 
any thing like refinement grew about his palace or his person, it 
was the hand of the Baroness that planted it there. 

And here must we give the praises which are due to the gene- 
rosity and candour of the people of Barataria. At this time, 
though they saw that the constitution of their country had been 
invaded, their commerce destroyed, and their condition des- 
perate — yet did they here forget themselves, and cast away from 
their minds all sense of their injuries. Here, generous com- 
passion suspended their just resentments. Here, their lamenta- 
tions were poured out at the tomb of departed excellence, and 
here did they mingle their tears with the tears of their undoer. 
And indeed the history of all ages have represented those bene- 
volent islanders as a people zealous to bear testimony to superior 
merit, wherever they have found it— whether amongst adver- 



saries, or friends — in the camp of the enemy, or the laurels of 
a competitor. On this event they lamented, that so much virtue 
had departed — that so little had been left behind. 

Though this was matter of sincere concern to Sancho's heart, 
it however became a new circumstance of power to his adminis- 
tration. The first station in female pre-eminence was now un- 
occupied ; and there was a vacancy, as it were, in the first office 
under the governor — even a participation of the throne of vice- 

As this was the first office open to female ambition, it is not 
to be wondered at, that the Countess Loftonzo was the first to 
aspire at it. She communicated the phrenzy of this sentiment 
to the Count; adding, in an extacy of grandeur, "that the 
world should see her niece, Donna Dorothea del Monroso, raise 
her head above the proudest families of the island — that she 
would sustain with dignity, and embellish by her accomplishments, 
the vacant chair in the Chamber of Carousals." And, thus 
far indeed, the Countess had spoken the language of truth, and 
our vows should have accompanied hers to Heaven, were the 
accomplishment of them to be the felicity of Dorothea. But, 
lovely maiden, may your charms never be bartered in unwar- 
rantable traffic ! May fortune or artifice never place you in a 
station to which the most refined attachment shall not select 
you ! May you fill the high rank to which your bright endow- 
ments give you title ; but never become the splendid mourner 
of a parent's ambition ! Sancho saw this extravagance growing 
in the mind of the Countess, and determined to cultivate it. 
Every thing that incoherent sentences and a distracted manner 
could suggest, was accepted by the Countess, as confirmation of 
her wishes ; a natural perplexity , and embarrassment of elocu- 
tion, were the confusion of real passion; and ambiguous infer" 
ence, as it was unintelligible, was supposed to convey a solemn 
declaration of love. 

This, however, was sufficient to satisfy the mind of the Coun- 
tess ; and therefore Sancho obtained the object of his industry. 
He saw not, it is true, the roses in the cheek of Dorothea, but 
he enumerated the suffragans in the train of Loftonzo. As to 
the Countess, her imagination was on fire ! It already presented 
to her her niece, the incomparable Dorothea, crowned Vice- 



queen of the Island of Barataria; her Lord Loftonzo distin- 
guished by all the coronets of all his ancestry ; and the Deputy- 
ship of the island conferred on him, at the departure of Sancho. 
Every thing was accomplished in her ardent mind ; and sports 
and pastimes — tilts and tournaments — dance and festivity, were 
proclaimed throughout the castle and the forests of Rafarmo. 
The smile of Dorothea was to be the prize of chivalry ; and 
her hand in the dance, the trophy of the governor's pre-emi- 
nence ! 

Thus were the politics of Sancho brought to a fair issue. 
His confidence in the Count was not now written in the Sand of 
Promises, or the frail memorial of benefits conferred ; — it was 
now built upon a rock. The bonds of Loftonzo were links of 

At this critical season, letters came to Sancho from the 
government of Spain, full of warlike rumours, and threatening 
general commotions. These letters brought intelligence, 14 That 
the monarch of the Western Isles had declared war against 
Don Francisco Bucarelli, the Governor of Buenos Ayres ; and 
that as the court of Spain might possibly assist and avow Don 
Francisco, it was necessary that Barataria should be rendered 
defensible ; her armies augmented, her forts repaired, and her 
garrisons supplied with the necessaries of war." 

Sancho wrote a dispatch to the Viscount Boreoso, Prime 
Minister of Spain (of whose character and conduct we shall 
hereafter have occasion more fully to treat) which he sealed with 
his own hand, and which he committed to the conveyance of 
Don Edwardo Swanzero, his friend, his counsellor, and his 
musician. And, however unaccountable it may seem to pos- 
terity, certain it is, that of all Sancho's retainers, this Swanzero 
held the greatest share in his confidence. He was then chosen 
to be the trusty messenger; and as the winds were adverse at 
the capital, he was obliged to take the southern circuit, and 
embark for Spain at the port of O'Corko — with the strictest 
injunctions, however, to yield to no temptations of delay, nor 
even to pay a one-night's visit to the old Bishop of Toledo^ 
whose villa was within a league of O'Corko ; notwithstanding 
the partialities and favours with which this Right Rev. Prelate 
had been accustomed to entertain the family of Swanzero. 



In this letter he informed the Viscount, " That through the 
obstinacy of the feudal lords and Don John the Commoner, the 
country of Barataria had been reduced to poverty and tumult ; 
that the revenues were diminished, the exchequer almost bank- 
rupt, and government had neither legal authority nor public 
confidence, to enable them to borrow money. That, for his part, 
he had acted as became a faithful servant and a prudent gover- 
nor, in this season of scarcity and discredit. That he had 
stopped payment of the pensions to the widows of the deceased 
officers, and withheld the wages of all public artificers. That 
this instance of frugality and moderation, had again enabled 
the royal munificence to take its course, which was a current 
that, under the auspices of his Majesty's arm, no opposition — 
no pleas of incapacity or famine, should ever obstruct or retard. 
That the Princess Dowager of Naples had been gratified, by 
the grant of a considerable pension to her favourite, Don Jere- 
miah Dysonzo ; not only to himself, but to his posterity ; not- 
withstanding the solemnity of the royal word, pledged to the 
contrary. And that he had taken this opportunity of informing 
the Baratarians, once for all, that the power of a monarch would 
be low indeed, if his promises ivere to be considered, as restric- 
tions on his will. That a stipend on Barataria had rewarded 
the fidelity and service of Don Bradshozo, the friend and assis- 
tant, the scrivener and the slave of the Duke Fitzroyola ; a 
nobleman who shall transmit his name with honour to pos- 
terity, as the great author of that illustrious policy, which 
finally transferred to the Cortes, those rights of election, which 
formerly resided in, and frequently divided, the people." That, 
without boasting of his services, (for he was not vain !) he 
must further inform the Viscount, " That where any of the 
great offices in Barataria produced enormous stipends to the 
occupier, and no benefit to the public, he had thought it ne- 
cessary to his Majesty's honour and service, that there should be 
a proper augmentation of the salary, and that he had accordingly 
made an annual addition of four thousand crowns to the salary 
of one of the king's servants, as a reward and indemnification 
for his trouble and expense, in collecting a revenue, the whole 
of which had by royal grant, become his own property. That 
after such acts of public service, not even the stoppages made 



on widows, and the infirm ; the deduction of wages, and econo- 
my towards the poor, were yet sufficient to furnish government 
with the means of fortifying the island. That if war was pro- 
bable, money was indispensable ; and that supplies could, at 
that tune, be only procured by calling the Cortes together; as 
delicacy and reserve ought to recommend the beginning of every 
great project ; and as the people were not yet entirely reconciled 
to the idea of being taxed only by the private council of the 
monarch. That in order to render the convention of the national 
assembly practicable, and its consequences auspicious, the great 
Count Loftonzo, with his household, enlisted under the royal 
banner — and that, as the Count's fortitude and fidelity were 
to be suspected, he should take all precautions to prevent his 
desertion ; that, during the truce, he would have him narrowly 
watched in his castle; and, in the day of trial, he would place 
him and his retainers in the front of the battle. And thus, by 
exhibiting this glaring instance of apostacy, should he give such 
a wound to the credit of all private faith and public consistency, 
the bonds of honour, of gratitude, and of blood, as must ulti- 
mately tend to dissolve all those obstinate connexions, which 
have hitherto been an obstruction to the power of the crown." 

The spirited endeavours of Sancho to propagate private perfidy, 
and purchase the violation of public trusts, were not indeed con- 
fined to the noblemen of Rafarmo. The whole powers of se- 
duction were now employed against the country. To every man 
who had a vote in the Cortes, was offered that proportion of the 
public plunder, at which even his own partiality could estimate 
his own merit. Every office had been exposed to sale, the pos- 
sessor of which was suspected from his integrity, or unmanage- 
able from his independent spirit. New Boards were held out to 
the interested ; and to obtain titles and honours, it was only ne- 
cessary to be vain and to be venal. Even holy bishoprics them- 
selves, hitherto held sacred and unsaleable, were to be taxed with 
simonical annuities to purchase the surrender of civil offices, or 
hawked about the island, as a merchandize in traffic to any power 
or connexion, that was enabled to become purchaser, by a pro- 
perty of votes in the assembly of the people. 

And not only the vices, but the virtues of the people were 
made instruments against them ; for, as avarice is ever rapaci- 



ous and ambition aspiring, so generosity is but too often 
necessitous, and benevolence deluded by a glimpse of power 
to display itself. The administration of justice through the 
sheriffs of the several counties, was to be bought and sold 
by parliamentary conduct ; and the army was stationed either 
for insult or protection, as favour or resentment disposed the 

Never did the mysteries of corruption make such a progress 
as at this period. The possessions of the incorruptible — the 
reversions of old age— the offices of those who had been pur- 
chasers by service, but were not of the senate, even the slender 
support of tottering infirmity, were all bartered and sold to 
those, who had the resolution to sacrifice their country. 

And here we should be happy, in reciting the catalogue of the 
seduced and the undone, — of those who stooped their heads 
to corruption, and opened their hands to gain. Happy should 
we be if the base and ignoble, the desperate of condition, and 
the lost to fame were alone to be found ! 

Whilst this traffic was carried on in Barataria, unfortunately 
it was the only trade which at this time the country had to 
boast of, the balance of which commerce, being indeed against 
them, was likely to be the loss of their liberty. 

During this great investigation of resources, and play of po- 
litics, — when the fore-tellers for administration counted a 
majority of twenty against their country ; it came to pass that 
the king of the islands struck his flag to Don Francisco Buca- 
relli ; and therefore the Governor of Buenos Ayres condescended 
to accept a temporary accommodation, which had been pro- 
posed between them. 

The assembling the Cortes in Barataria was not now neces* 
sary f on the principle of preservation ; but it was judged 
expedient on the construction of policy. The triumph of the 
Crown over the constitutional dignity of that great assembly, 
and the people of which it was representative, was thought by 
the jealous friends of power, as imperfect and incompetent, 
until it should be reconvened before the very Governor , who had 
been the immediate instrument of the injuries and insults they 
had received. Sancho's heart was devoted to the idea of adding 
this wreath to the laurels of America, and, indeed, it was a 



heart composed of the most extraordinary materials in nature ! 
But as we shall hereafter in the course of this history, give 
posterity an entire portrait of this wonderful character, we 
shall for the present proceed to relate those several parts of his 
conduct, which are but so many features of the great piece we 
shall attempt to draw. 

Inspired with the noble ambition of deciding finally, if pos- 
sible, this great constitutional point against the freedom of 
Barataria, and of insulting where he had detracted; Sancho 
assembled the venerable junto of the cabinet, and stating to 
them his determination, he desired their counsel. 

The members of this political conclave were persons of the 
first offices in the state, whose advice had always the greatest 
authority with the Governor, as it was always accompanied 
with the greatest acquiescence: And as we may hereafter in 
the progress of this national story have frequent occasion to 
consider them, we shall here give an enumeration of them in 

This council consisted of Baron Goreanelli, an Italian, the 

Inquisitorial Justiciary, Don Francisco Andrea del Bum- 

peroso, President of the Academy of Letters; and the Chevalier 
Don Georgio Buticartny, a Polish Knight ; admitted as a Se- 
cretary, not a Minister. Don Antonio, the Precedenza — Don 
John Alnagero, prime Advocate. — Don Philip, the Moor, and 
Don Godfredo Lilly, Solicitor of the Crown. 

Before this great assembly did Sancho open this mighty 
project of his soul. He spoke to them, through the mouth of 
Don Philip, and informed them, " in the first place, of the suc- 
cess of his Majesty's bribes all over the island. He told them 
of his determination to call the assemblies before himself, as a 
means of degrading the Commons, and asserting the authority 
of his own protest. That it would be an experiment without 
hazard ; as it was not the season for asking any thing on his 
party and the virtue of a prorogation was ever at hand, to pre- 
vent any acquisition in behalf of the people. That as things 
stood at present, it appeared improbable that the Spanish court 
would continue him in the government of the island, when the 
critical time should come, in which the army and the revenues 
were to be negotiated in the Cortes ; unless he were to exhibit 



some antecedent exemplifications of his prowess. That the suc- 
cess of this short convention might render probable his retaining 
the dominion of the island for another year. But above all, 
that the manly protest, with which he concluded the last meet- 
ing, was not perfect or consummate, being as yet the declara- 
tion of one of the parties only, and rejected from the journals of 
the other. Whereas, if the Commons could be brought to pour 
out their incense, and load him with encomiums ; it would be 
deemed, that they relinquished their claims with their resent- 
ments ; and their conduct would imply not merely an acquies- 
cence, but a formal ratification of the charge which, he boasted 
to have brought against them. Moreover, that the great Count 
Loftonzo, was deeply impressed with those sentiments ; and 
that if promises, made without limitation, recommended by 
oaths, and confirmed by some performances, were capable of 
seducing the heart of man, a majority should be procured to 
deliver up this fortress into the hands of the Crown. And, 
finally, that Don Renaldo, the grand Corregidor of the capital, 
was devoted to the interests of the court ; and would easily 
obtain from the oppidary assembly, an address to the Sovereign, 
petitioning for a general convention of the states. And at the 
same time, the faithful Renaldo should have the precaution, by 
the tenor of this address, to renounce every constitutional title 
in the people to the Cortes. That it should be asked as a 
favour, not a right. That it should be supplication and not 
claim. Thus, the meeting of the Senate, which really would be 
a political experiment, and a probable confirmation of the 
bondage of Barataria, would be trumpeted through the kingdom, 
as if it were a gracious benevolence, yielded to the petition of 
duty — a royal concession to the wishes of the people." 

"Whatever different pursuits, or objects in life, may have 
governed the sentiments of the several persons who composed 
this conclave, certain it is, that there was scarcely one of them, 
who had not an interest in the assembling the Cortes, at all 
events. It would be the harvest, and they were labourers. It 
would be the time of service ; and, though their standing wages 
were exorbitant, yet did they, moreover, expect to receive daily 
hire, and occasional booty. The servants of the law might be 
appointed itinerant justices, but suffered neither to travel, nor 



to judge; in short, to do no part of the duty, but accept the 
emolument ; and Baron Goreannelli, the Italian, imagined that 
by being ready to assist the Prolocutor of the nobles, he might, 
perhaps, ground a sort of claim to wages, though his services 
were neither demanded, performed, or expedient. 

Among those chiefs of consultation, one only gave counsel 
against this favourite measure, Don Antonio, the Precedenza; 
a man of great consideration ! And, indeed, it is impossible to 
mention that personage in the page of history, without stopping 
to make some observation on so extraordinary a character. 

Nature had enriched the Precedenza with great endowments. 
To a benign and dignified aspect, an address, both conciliating 
and authoritative, did he join the clearest head that ever con- 
ceived, and the sweetest tongue that ever uttered, the sugges- 
tions of wisdom. He did not, it is true, possess the wit and 
vivacity of Alnagero, nor the political craft or worldly science 
of Don Philip, the Moor ; but his understanding was of the first 
magnitude. It is, however, observable of Don Antonio ; that, 
with all those eminent faculties, he never, during the course of a 
long political life, was united with a party that did not deceive 
him; and with a temper of mind, unfortunately but too desir- 
ous of acquisition, did he share less of the public treasure than 
almost any man, who had ever looked for favours at the hand 
of power. For some part of his life, he filled one of the highest 
offices in judgment; which he executed with such ability, as 
stands unparalleled in the records of judicature. And as he 
was raised to that office for his capacity, he was dispossessed 
of it for his virtue. With a manly and becoming spirit did An- 
tonio, at this time, stand foremost, in difference with the Crown. 
He disputed that wicked encroachment, which would strip the 
representatives of the community of their natural and indispen- 
sable rights of originating, adjusting and proportioning those 
supplies, which are ever the free-will gifts of gratitude and love, 
to protection and government. Though this act of resistance, 
as it is called, did not fall within the exercise of his judicial capa- 
city, yet, as it was an act of integrity, it was thought by the 
court as a disqualification in him for the office of a judge. 
He was, therefore, dismissed, and a man better qualified was 
appointed to succeed him. 

G G 



And here should we be happy, if, for the honour of human 
nature, and the reverence we bear to this illustrious person, we 
were permitted to pass over the recital of some features which 
render this piece less admirable ! — Happy ! if the eminent qua- 
lities of this great man did not mix with others in their current, 
which were sufficient to humble his superiority, and gratify the 
malice of his enemies. But character would be uninstructive to 
posterity, if it were not to be fully delineated : and history a 
falsehood, if it declare not the whole truth. 

Though the effects of an enlightened understanding made 
Antonio perpetually prefer right to wrong ; though he had no 
children to provide for, and already enjoyed considerable 
estates; nay, even though some writers have asserted, that he 
had not the avarice of accumulation, and certainly he had not 
the necessities of prodigality ; though he had the mines of Gol- 
conda in the exercise of his profession ; yet did he sacrifice every 
thing that was valuable, to an invincible and unaccountable 
thirst for gain ; and descended from his eminence of character 
and condition, to the exercise of a low money-traffic ; in which 
even he is accused, by the writers of his day, of having em- 
ployed that very legal knowledge, which had lately been the 
honour of his name, and the benefit of the public, in order to 
defend the bills that he issued, from the control of the laws ; 
and frustrate the security which the public had in his counter. * 
And afterwards, having made some atonement to his country, by 
a spirited resistance to the Cabinet subsidy, he, as it were, 
relented of his reformation, and merely to obtain from Govern- 
ment a precedency , which nature had given him before, and 
which the King could not take from him. For this prepos- 
terous promotion, if such it may be called, did he in the popular 
assembly, and in the face of the people, not only embrace, but 
adopt the very child, he before declared to be illegitimate and 
infamous. He now protected that subsidy in the Cortes, which 
he before had so signally abjured in the Cabinet. 

And, indeed, it was a matter of great wonder at that time, 
that a person of his wisdom should so suddenly shift an opinion ; 
that one of his dignity of character should adopt inconsistency 
and degradation, and that a man of the most unparalleled 

* This part of the character is supposed to be erroneous. 



powers of memory should so speedily forget the injuries he had 

As for his eloquence, it was in its nature peculiar. It 
flowed in a clear and copious stream, with grace and majesty; 
but it never diversified its course, or transgressed its limited 
boundary. Through the several regions of argument, it moved 
with unaltered current, whether it passed through the wilds of 
America, or the flowery plains of Andalusia : good sense, and 
great comprehension, were the characters of his mind, rather 
than that strength, and ardour, and variety, which glow in the 
performances of the ancient orators. He was formed to be the 
Jirst, perhaps, in times of tranquillity, but must have yielded to 
several, in the days of spirit and of enterprise. In short, he 
was a person almost always to be admired, but never much to 
be feared. 

And, indeed, various inconsistencies and irreconcileable qua- 
lities, seemed to mix in the character of this great man. It is 
not enough to say, that he had a mind superior to revenge or 
personal resentment. He appeared to have been inspired, as it 
were, with gratitude for injuries. As to his legal knowledge, 
it was incontrovertible; yet, from some peculiarity which ever 
attended him, certain it is, that even the titles at law, to the 
very lands he purchased, have been reckoned disputable and 
precarious. With the best understanding, he was generally the 
dupe of the worst ; and though he had a natural admiration 
for virtue, yet did he sometimes forsake her, even without tempt- 

Here we rest this great character! — And we should rejoice 
indeed, if historical fidelity had not compelled us to state some 
shades of it, at which humanity may drop a tear of sympathy ; 
and lament that imperfection of our nature, which ever controls 
the arrogance of superiority, and vindicates, in some measure, 
the equality of man. 

Don Antonio was marked, it is true, by some of the infirmities 
of human-kind, but he was distinguished, on the other hand, by 
great and admirable qualities. Let not then the insolence of 
human frailty refuse forgiveness to the former; and may pos- 
terity remember only the latter, and remember them as objects of 
imitation ! 

G G 2 



Don Antonio paid the utmost attention to the whole recital of 
Sancho's politics. And, indeed, amongst the several peculiari- 
ties of Antonio, this one was observable, " That as no man ever 
spoke so well as to excite his admiration, so no man ever spoke 
so ill as that he did not think him worthy of attention." He 
listened profoundly to the discourse of every man; he listened 
to the sleepy tale of Don Philip the Moor. 

When this elaborate recapitulation of principles and politics 
was brought to a conclusion, Don Antonio did not require much 
time for weighing its import and consequences. He saw clearly 
that the rashness of Sancho was not courage, nor the craft of 
Don Philip wisdom. He thought the convention of the Cortes, 
at that particular time, was liable to objections, which would 
occur, perhaps, at no other season. He therefore gave coun- 
sel against it. He observed, "That, though the populace 
frequently misjudge, the great body of the people are not 
often, or long deceived. That on the present occasion they never 
would be persuaded that the convening this assembly a few 
months only before the regular and indispensable season of con- 
vention, after it had been interrupted in the midst of business, 
and discontinued for above a year, was any other than an act of 
state policy . That the mere power of reviving or continuing a 
few laws, without time or opportunity to alter or amend them, 
was in truth a small national concern ; especially as this meet- 
ing would interfere with the itinerary progress of justice, and 
the season of the great session was so near at hand, in which 
there must be ample time afforded for all that enquiry and 
deliberation, which alone could give weight and authority to 
laws. That the very assembling of the states would in itself 
terminate the duration of several laws, which would otherwise 
remain in force. That if the court were to be victorious, the 
nation would be alarmed, and if the popular party were to pre- 
dominate, those laws would become extinct, and administration 
would be overturned. That to call the assembly together, in 
order to appropriate the disposition of that sum, which had for- 
merly been granted to public works, would now be absurd ; as 
the money was not in existence, at least in the exchequer ; and 
that, though the states were to grant it, yet the Crown could not 
pay it. And above all, that this extorted convention, as it 



would be thought, must certainly revive amongst the representa- 
tive body, that bitter argument, with which they had departed, 
but not departed in peace. Tiiat if the accustomed offerings of 
the Cortes to the throne, should not convey encomium on the 
governor , Sancho would be degraded. If they did, they would 
impeach themselves. But that at all events, those matters of 
delicacy were best decided by oblivion. Moreover, that the 
treasury was entirely exhausted ; and therefore he knew not by 
what means the governor could purchase the support he ex- 
pected, excepting by promises. That if those promises were 
performed, the slender resources of government would be wasted. 
If they were broken, the credit of power would be lost. That 
experiment in those weighty concerns was dangerous. The best 
result is tumult ; the worst, destruction. That if his recom- 
mendatory speech from the throne of majesty were to disclaim 
supplies, it would contradict the necessities of the state; if it 
professed them, the people would say, they icere never to be 
assembled, but to be plundered ; and if it were to be equivocal, 
it would offend all parties. The Crown would resent his casting 
a doubt on the necessity ; the nation would resent his casting a 
fraud on their security. That though it was an hopeless project 
to attempt pleasing all parties, it was yet exceedingly unwise to 
satisfy none." Thus, in substance, did the Precedenza argue 
with the thoughtless, and counsel the determined. Sancho 
seemed to have accidentally heard a part of this harangue, and 
answered the whole of it with his usual precision. He observed, 
" That every sentence which had fallen from the lips of Antonio 
was the language of wisdom, that his argument was the argu- 
ment of conviction ; and that he would accordingly appoint the 
assemblage of the Cortes, for the twenty-sixth day of the next 
moon." He extolled his eloquence, and observed, " that it 
brought back to his mind the remembrance of a dear, departed 
brother ;" but here he instantly wiped away a tear, that nature 
had rashly engendered, and inadvertency tolerated ; and yielded 
to the current of his mind, which ever flowed towards untimely 
merriment. He observed, " that General Antonio (for so he 
was pleased jocularly to call him) had oftentimes differed from 
him in the court jnartial, that he had frequently counselled 
against hazarding an engagement, yet, had however behaved 



like a good old soldier in the day of battle ; though his hand 
did not, at all times, strike with the vigour of youth, yet he 
never failed to promote obedience and discipline, and maintain 
order and government, by his countenance and example. " 

To these arguments Don Antonio paid that reverence which is 
due to wisdom; that submission which is yielded to power. 
Several other members were preparing to deliver their sentiments 
at large, and pay the debt which they owed to their own for- 
tunes, by recommending that purpose, which omnipotence had 
already decided. And certain it is, that when Sancho had once 
taken his unalterable determination, though counsel seemed to 
become less necessary, it, however, became much more pleasant 
to him to receive it, and advantageous to him who had the dis- 
cretion to offer it. For when the chief has once explained his 
sentiments, there can no longer remain doubt or debate amongst 
the counsellors. Then stern advice assumes the softer breath 
of compliment ; and the discharge of duty is nothing more than 
the effusions of admiration and panegyric. And, indeed, though 
no office is in general more doubtfully received than that of 
giving counsel, yet the man is for ever recommended by some 
secret magic, who turns back on the person he advises, the re- 
flected image of his own thoughts and affections. 

Don John Alnagero, the prime advocate, being a man of a 
ready and dexterous wit, and a copious vocabulary, arose to 
make an offering of his sentiments on the occasion ; and after 
having administered to his infirmity a cordial, which he retained 
in a dram-bottle, for the purposes of debate, according to prece- 
dent of the first authority ; he proceeded to state the great im- 
portance of the question under consideration : and it is gene- 
rally imagined he would have made a very eloquent speech, had 
he not been violently interrupted by a sudden outrage of vocife- 
ration, which issued even from the throne of vice-majesty, scat- 
tering through the chambers a strange confusion of mixed sounds ; 
but articulating, distinct, and intelligible, two words only; 
namely, Protest and Prorogation. 

Alnagero, to whose ears, it is true, these sounds never con- 
veyed music, intreated, " that his Highness would not revive 
those obsolete and invidious topics, but leave them to the chances 
of time and discussion of posterity !" For, to bear the testimony 



of justice to Alnagero, we must confess, that he was not amongst 
those to whom right and wrong were indifferent. For, if it were 
possible to unite public principles with great private emolument, 
it was ever his wish to bear them company. He besought the 
governor, " to proceed on the business which at that time so 
properly engaged their wisdom — not the death or disgrace, but 
the revival of the great assembly of the people." Amongst the 
several difficulties which Sanchohad encountered in his govern- 
ment, no one was to his feelings so great, as that of suppressing 
the extravagant laughter which the gravity of Alnagero's dis- 
course had now excited in him. As soon as he had discharged 
from his countenance somewhat of his untimely merriment, he 
apologized (according to his fashion) to the prime advocate for 
interruptions he had occasioned ; but assured him, " that 
nothing could be farther from his wish than any renewal of 
debate on those ridiculous topics ; and that if the Cortes when 
they assemble should say nothing to him on the subject of them, 
lie should, on his part, observe the same constitutional delicacy 
and silence. That, indeed, protest and prorogation, were only 
the names he had given to two favourite Catalonian Beagles, 
which had lately been sent to him from his estates in that pro- 
vince. That though he had always the greatest pleasure in 
listening to the speeches of Alnagero, yet, as he felt an invincible 
desire of shewing those beagles to the baron Goreanelli (who 
was not only a judge but a sportsman, accomplished alike for 
the cabinet and the field), he very ardently wished that the 
prime advocate should postpone the remainder of his most excel- 
lent speech (for excellent he was sure it would have been, had he 
spoken it) to another opportunity ; and therefore, in his canine 
zeal he certainly had, in a manner rather abrupt than otherwise, 
called upon the Scythian Cunningambo, licentiate in medicine, 
and superintendent of his dogs, his mules, and his children, to 
introduce the beagles into the council chamber, just at the time 
in which he began the very eloquent speech, in which he had the 
honour to interrupt him. 

Alnagero at first doubted of the decorum of Sancho in this 
transaction ; and well remembering from the record of history, that 
a tyrant, who laughed at decency and despised the people, did 
once confer magistracy on his horse; he began to entertain a jealous 



apprehension, lest some monstrous promotion might be intended 
for those dogs of Catalonia; and therefore with great humility 
observed, " that it was a duty incidental to the high legal trust 
with which he was invested, to inform his Highness ; that, though 
it might in general be very proper that those who contributed to 
the pleasures of government should hold the highest condition 
in the state, yet he must offer it as his opinion, that no person 
of the human species, or otherwise, can be appointed of the 
Board of Council, without a previous order for that purpose, 
under the monarch's manual signature. And that he appre- 
hended the present King of Spain, notwithstanding his great 
condescension in this particular, had not yet appointed any 
quadruped of his cabinet, within the circuit of his whole do- 
minions ; though it was well known, the Princess Dowager of 
Naples, his mother, was partial to a Caledonian goat ; and the 
admirable princess, his consort, had almost an affection for a 
beautiful zebra. 

Sancho, who was playing with his cheek during this harangue, 
when it was concluded, winked at the Italian nobleman, and called 
again aloud for the beagles ; at the same time directing the 
Chevalier Buticartny to issue forthwith the letters of convention, 
and hasten the licentiate with the whelps of Catalonia. 

Goreanelli, not insensible to glory, was flattered. Bumperoso 
laughed heartily, as he was wont on such occasions. Don Antonio 
did not observe the joke. Don Alnagero was distressed, and 
looked lively. Don Philip the Moor looked dismal, but felt not 
the least concern. And as for Don Godfredo Lilly, he was en- 
tirely employed in speculation on the probable disgust of Alna- 
gero, which might open a door to his own promotion ; whilst the 
whelps were introduced by the doctor into the chamber of con- 

When the assembly was dissolved, various were the inferences 
which the several members drew from the whole transaction, 
respecting the dogs of Catalonia. In this, however, they en- 
tertained in general a similarity of sentiment, — " That as each of 
them (Antonio excepted) saw that the joke of Sancho was ex- 
ceedingly pleasant, so far as it concerned the rest of the con- 
clave — yet, when he measured it by the relation, in which it 
stood towards himself he discovered in this general jocularity, 
some want of especial respect." 



And here let us not be accused by the supercilious wisdom of 
unalterable gravity, for having degraded the solemnity of record 
by the relation of occurrences, light and frivolous ! But where 
the frivolous have empire, their annals will be levity. And in- 
deed nothing is low, if it be natural ; nor is any thing unob- 
servable to the historian, that tends to unfold or explain the 
character of man. Here the deepest political experiment was 
decided ; though consultation was despised — though the counsel 
was not given — though the speeches were yet unspoken. But 
the Viceroy in the chambers of gravity at least, exhibited his 
beagles to the justiciary of the land. 

Don Alexandro Cuningambo del Tweedalero, Licentiate in 
Medicine, withdrew the beagles of Catalonia from the chamber 
of consultation ; and the business of the day was ended. Sancho 
having dispatched all these weighty concerns in the space of one 
morning, thought the evening his own, and dedicated it accord- 
ingly to festivity and pleasure. He flew to the fandango of 
Rafarmo ; where the wonted jocularity of Francisco del Bumpe- 
roso descended from the slumber of Loftonzo, and the bright re- 
finement of the lovely Dorothea threw a pious shade over the 
unpolished confidence of her aunt, the Countess. 

What the mysteries of the evening or the reflections of the 
morning were, it is not within the province of history to relate. 
But certain it is, they all departed, satisfied with their repast ; 
and either the love, the gratitude, or the artifice of Sancho, in the 
return for so great compliances, appointed apartments, even in 
Vice-royal Palace, for the reception of the Countess and the 
lovely Monroso, wherein to adjust and reconcile the violences of 
travel, whensoever Dorothea should be led forth from the fields, 
to grace the carousals of the king of the island. 

The convention of the states being now a matter decided, 
Sancho was again to play off the whole artillery of seduction. 
The virtuous were displaced. The timorous were threatened. 
The public-spirited were ridiculed. The simple had promises. 
The corrupt were bribed. The credulous were betrayed; and 
all were to be undone. * And indeed, the subordinate instruments 
employed in this great negotiation were so curious, as that some 

* Proceedings, such as these, were not confined solely to Lord 
Townshend's Government. 



of them at least deserve commemoration in these records. At 
that time fortune had shipwrecked on her native land, the old 
lady, Donna Lavinia Del St. Legero ; and so extravagant were 
the essays of corruption in those days, that policy condescended 
to retain even this absolute instrument of seduction. However 
capable in general of those powers of procuring, incidental to 
her sex and condition, yet that she should be competent to pro- 
cure suffrages in the Cortes, seemed a matter, indeed, of im- 
probable conjecture ! But the result frequently disappoints the 

Donna Lavinia was indeed a very extraordinary person to have 
figured on the stage of politics. She was the child of middling 
condition, and had received her education amidst the ferocity of 
Baratarian Boeotia. She had been given in marriage by her 
parents to the Chevalier St. Legero, a judge ; who from the in- 
termixture of the Spaniards with the Moors, had an opportunity 
of enriching his nature (though by a spurious stream) with the 
blood of the great Muli Ishmael, and the sanguinary exploits of 
his judicature were confirmations of his illustrious original. 
Thus it happened, that the clemency of the husband, and the 
chastity of the wife, became the symbols of proverbial descrip- 
tion. Donna Lavinia managed her qualifications with notable 
dexterity. In her youth, without beauty, she had lovers — and in 
her age, without rank or reputation, she enjoyed the society of 
the great. A certain warmth and constitutional cordiality , was 
the charm of her early days — the most indulgent accommodation 
recommended her riper years, and there was one circumstance 
which rendered her society for ever easy ; which was, " that the 
example of her youth never overawed the most licentious into 
reserve, and the compliances of her age made her kind to the 
frailties of her friends." She had not even the rigours of hy- 
pocrisy — but had a heart to pity, and a house to 1 receive, the 
pining votaries of love. She did not possess any thing like ad- 
dress or courtly manners ; but there was a certain stateliness 
about her, that might have been the growth of ancient fashion, 
and at some times a familiarity, that was to resemble the con- 
descension of high rank and quality. If she was no longer the 
object, she was glad to be the instrument, of pleasure. And on 
her bosom every friend and every foe might confidently repose 



the secret infirmities of unresisting nature. Not that she was 
possessed of any supernatural fidelity, or felt the glow of friend- 
ship in her sympathies. But she gave her own life and conver- 
sation as hostages for her secrecy. And moreover, to strengthen 
this security ; though she had no great regard to moral obliga- 
tion, she always affected the greatest respect for all manner of 
decorum ; insomuch, that to whatever she said or did, she as- 
sumed a motive of decency. If at any time, it has happened 
to her to have dwelt too long on the goblet, and protracted the 
banquet beyond convivial moderation ; " she was thereto com- 
pelled by medical counsel ; merely to combat by that severe re- 
gimen, some inward malady, or bodily disease !" If, perad- 
venture, she has at any time flown, with critical precipitation, 
from her most private apartments, and left them to the sole oc- 
cupancy of two friends, whose only difference was their sex, at 
one of those dangerous moments, in which love grows too power- 
ful for discretion, and female imbecility not unwillingly con- 
fesses the athletic superiority of man, — if ever she has done so, 
" she was either forced away by sudden occasions and indispen- 
sable business — or she entertained so great a disapprobation of 
those tendernesses, which malice may call criminal, that she 
would not afford them the countenance of her presence, but 
had withdrawn to leave them a silent reproach." 

However, certain it is, that Donna Lavinia, in Madrid, for 
many years maintained a palace, not only of ease, but of order. 
Her public demeanour was seemly, and she always attended 
public worship, to pray for the King and the Royal Family ; 
for which act of devotion, Ferdinand the Third (being a very 
pious prince — resembling his royal predecessor, Philip the First, 
in his piety — his conjugal fidelity — his principles of government 
— his troubles and his catastrophe) gave her a pension of five 
hundred crowns on the Exchequer of Barataria ; which liberality 
she repaid by the only recompense the chastity of Ferdinand af- 
forded her — by the most religious resignation to the divine will 
of the Sovereign. 

Donna Lavinia had a brother and a nephew, who were Sena- 
tors of Barataria. The father was age and infirmity. The son 
was filial obedience. To the former then, her brother, she ap- 
plied with all her powers of seduction. She had not, it is true, 



the personal charms of the daughter of Lot, but she had the 
same powers of intoxication. 

Three days and three nights did the sparkling goblet, recom- 
mended by the participation of Lavinia, visit the lips of Don 
Richardo, her brother, and so long did he refuse the suit of her 
solicitation. The fourth day came, and found Richardo still 
within the empire of wine ! Lavinia, being Regent, then entered 
into an alliance even with the virtues of Richardo against him- 
self. She bade him " to serve his sister, by doubling her 
pension. She bade him serve his posterity, by placing the royal 
standard in the hands of his grandson. For these things, and 
greater, were determinable by the conduct of Don Richardo 
and his son in the assembly of the people." 

Richardo yielded. The old Senator and his son were led 
into captivity. The promises were unperformed, and the excel- 
lent young man shortly after paid the forfeit of his life, to the 
seductions of a parent. 



The following are some of the declarations referred to at 
p. 364. 

We, the gentlemen, clergy, and inhabitants of the 
county of Meath, whose names are hereunto subscribed, 
observing with concern the distress experienced by persons 
of every rank in this kingdom, but particularly by the 
manufacturers, on whose employment and prosperity de- 
pend in a great measure the value of our lands and the 
sufficiency of our revenues, and considering it is a duty we 
owe to ourselves and our fellow-subjects to do every thing 
within the extent of our ability, not only to alleviate this 
distress at present, but to prevent it in future, have entered 
into the following resolutions, as the best means to attain 
this desirable end. 

Resolved therefore, That we, our families, and those 
whom we can influence, will, from this day, make use of 
the manufactures of this kingdom only. 



Resolved, That we consider ourselves as solemnly en- 
gaged to adhere to the above resolution, as long as the 
traders and manufacturers of this kingdom approve them- 
selves by their conduct worthy of liberal encouragement 
from the public. 

Resolved, That we will not buy any articles whatsoever 
from any person or persons in Dublin, or elsewhere, who 
shall, after the date of these resolutions, be known to pur- 
chase on his own behalf, or dispose on account of others, 
or of any goods which are not manufactured in this king- 
dom ; as we consider those who oppose or evade regulations, 
which have been so generally approved of as the only 
method to relieve thousands of their fellow-subjects from 
extreme poverty and misery, as enemies equally to their 
country and humanity. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be returned 
to William Grattan, Esq., our present high sheriff, for his 
ready compliance with the requisition of our representatives 
to convene the gentlemen and inhabitants of this county. 

Proposals for supplying one thousand inhabitants of the 
county of Meath with arms and accoutrements, will be 
received by George Lowther, Esq., at Killrue. 

(Signed) W. Grattan, Sheriff. 

Meeting held at the County Court-house at Kilmainham, 
Tuesday the 3rd of May. 

The Report from a Committee appointed to consider of 
a plan for forming volunteer companies in the county of 
Dublin was agreed to, with several alterations, and ordered 
to be printed and dispersed through the different baronies 
of this county. 

The following paper was also agreed to, and subscribed 
by the undernamed gentlemen. 

u We, the freeholders and inhabitants of the county of 
Dublin, sensible of the present public distress, which has 
extended itself through every part of the Kingdom, and has 
been felt by all ranks of men, think it incumbent upon us 



to assist the spirited endeavours of the other parts of this 
country ; and have come to the following resolutions : — 

Resolved, That it is now necessary to give every possible 
encouragement to our own manufactures. 

Resolved, That we and our families will consume no 
manufactures but those of this kingdom. 

Resolved, That the above resolutions do bind until a 
change in our commercial condition enables us to depart 
from them. 

Resolved, That copies of the said Resolutions be lodged 
with every person whom the baronies shall appoint their 
nominees for arraying the volunteer companies, and that it 
be an instruction to said nominees to receive the names of 
such persons as are willing to subscribe them ; and that 
the said nominees, or any of them, do wait on the principal 
gentlemen in their respective baronies with said Resolutions, 
or transmit them in writing : and that the names of those 


who shall have signed should be returned by the nominees, 
and posted up in the county Court-house on the first day 
of the next quarter-sessions. 

Luke Gardiner, High 

Edward Newenham, 
Lodge Morres, 
Richard Talbot, 
Henry Grattan, 
Patrick King, 
George Ribton, 
John A. Johnson, 
James Napper Tandy, 
Robert Willcocks, 
James Ormsby, 
Thomas Collins, 
Rupert Barber, 
W. C. Dowley Hearn, 
Henry Clarke, 
J. Verschoyle, 
John White, 

John Trail, 
Lod. Henry, 
Nathaniel Warren, 
Benjamin Wills, 
Edward Hunt, 
James Horan, 
W. Worthington, 
H. T. Worthington, 
William Toole, 
Pat. McLaughlin, 
James Towers, 
John Rose, 
Samuel Reid, 
John West, 
Francis Lodge, 
David Harborne, 
John Booth, 
Wm. Williams, 



John Phepoe, John Binns, 

Richard Jones, Jun., Daniel Dempsy, 

Francis Spring, Peter Burtchell." 

Meeting of the Gentlemen and Freeholders of the County 
of Dublin, Thursday the 29th day of July, 1779. 

Resolved, That it is necessary at this crisis, to put this 
county in a state of defence. 

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that 
volunteer companies be raised in the county of Dublin. 

Resolved, That the following gentlemen be appointed a 
committee to consider of a plan for carrying that object 
into execution. 

For the Barony of 
Upper Cross, 
Nether Cross, 
St. Sepulchre's, 

John White, Esq. 
Sir Hen. Cavendish, Bart. 
Joseph Deane, Esq. 
Richard Talbot, Esq. 
Sir J. Allen Johnson, Bart. 
Luke Gardiner, Esq. 
Henry Grattan, Esq. 
Nathaniel Warren, Esq. 
James Horan, Esq. 

That it be an instruction to the committee to report their 
opinion to a General Meeting, which shall be held at the 
court-house of Kilmainham, on Tuesday next, at twelve 

To Luke Gardiner, Esq. ; High Sheriff of the County of 


We whose names are hereunto subscribed, Freeholders 
of the County of Dublin, considering the distressed situ- 
ation of the manufacturers of this kingdom, owing to the 
impolitic restrictions on our trade, request your appointing 
a meeting of the freeholders at large, to take into consider- 
ation the necessity of a non-importation and non-con- 



sumption agreements, until such times as the said restric- 
tions are removed. July the 29th, 1779. 

Henry Grattan, 
Richard Talbot, 
Benjamin Wills 
Patrick King, 
John White, 
John Phepoe, 
John A. Johnson, 
John Trail, 
Nathaniel Warren, 
James Towers, 
M. Nowlan, 
Rupert Barber, 

Henry Clarke, 
Emor North, 
F. Graham, 
William Beckford, 
F. Spring, 
Arthur Guinness, 
James Tandy, 
Thomas Collin, 
Michael Woods, 
George Johnston, 
James Napper Tandy. 


In consequence of 
tendance at the court- 
next, at twelve o'clock, 
ration, after the report 

I am, 

July 29th, 1779. 

the above request, I desire your at- 
house at Kilmainham, on Tuesday 
to take that measure into conside- 
from the committee shall have been 

Your very obedient, 

And very humble servant, 

Luke Gardiner. 

Meeting of the Drogheda Association at the Tholsel, the 
30th July, 1779. 

Hugh Montgomery Lyons, Esq., Mayor, in the Chair. 

Several respectable Roman Catholic clergymen, inhabi- 
tants of the said town, attended, offered their assistance, 
and expressed their sentiments (signed by them) in the 
following words : — 

" We, the Roman Catholics undersigned, inhabitants of 



the county of the town of Drogheda, firmly attached to his 
Majesty as subjects, and to the Civil Government of these 
kingdoms, are ready at this critical time (or any time it 
may be necessary) to risk our lives and properties in de- 
fence of the peace of this kingdom against all enemies 
whatsoever; and we now, at a meeting of the inhabitants 
of Drogheda, summoned for the purpose of forming an 
association, tender the same in the fullest and most sincere 
manner. July 30th, 1779." 

Signed by forty-seven Roman Catholic gentlemen. 

Whereupon it was unanimously resolved, that the thanks 
of this association should be given, and they are hereby 
given in the fullest manner to the said Roman Catholic 
gentlemen ; and the gentlemen of the association also 
assure them, that they have the utmost confidence and 
most firm reliance on that zeal which they so laudably ex- 
press for His Majesty's person and government; a zeal at 
this critical time particularly acceptable, and which re- 
dounds so highly to their honour. 





Page 26. line 21. for 1759 read 1795. 

London, Ciieapside, 1849. 



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